intercourse between Ireland and the British plantations, does not repeal the 12th Geo. III. chap. 55. * which prohibits the import from Ireland into Britain, of rum, fugar, coffee, and other American and Afiatic goods: nor can it be faid, that it appears from the act, which extended the trade of Ireland, to have been the intention of the Legislature to make any alteration in that refpect. The customhouse practice has continued the fame fince, as it was before the paffing the act, and during upwards of a century, viz. not to admit the articles in queftion from Ireland. Nor can it be objected as inequitable, that Britain declines to take from Ireland commodities which that country takes from her. Ireland takes them from the mother country of the colonies; and, ftrictly confidering the matter, she has no rightful claim to get them

* Although this act was paffed to bind both countries, and thofe parts which purport to have an internal operation in the levying of forfeitures or penalties, or are directory to the officers of the Irish revenue, may now be confidered as a dead letter; yet, the fpirit and intention of this act is clear, and that part which was intended to bind Britain, and which prohibits impɔrtation of the produce of Afia, Africa, and America, from Ireland, is fill in force.

in

in any other way from any colonies, except through the indulgence of the mother country of thofe colonies. Ireland takes little from Britain of any kind, that she can get cheaper elsewhere: fhe takes as it fuits her, and the cannot object to Britain the price fhe pays for Weft-India commodities, or the giving the monopoly of her markets to the produce of the British plantations, as in return fhe has her fhare of the monopoly of their markets. It would be an extreme folly in Great Britain to maintain fettlements at an immenfe expence of public money, and to confine herself to the purchase of their produce at an unreasonable price, and to the private detriment of individual consumers, and then to put it in the power of another country to purchase, with the manufactures of that country, the produce of fuch fettlements, and to retail them afterwards in the British market. The mischiefs connected with that point alone are too obvious to be infifted on. It is farther to be observed, that trade is of fo delicate a nature, that it is almoft impoffible to conjecture, how restraints either laid on, or taken off, will operatethat it is prudent to apprehend every evil, of

which there is any probability, however diftant to fear the effect of a conceffion, the whole extent of which it is at leaft difficult to forefee-and that it is unneceffary to risk the confequences of the measure in question. The maintainers of these objections will add, that Great Britain was greatly benefited by being the depot of American, Afiatic, and African produce; and she has reason to expect, that she will ftill be fo in a very confiderable degree. The mere mercantile gain is an inconfiderable object, when compared with the various advantages of the exchange of commodities; with the value and quantity of induftry, which the above system of trade diffufes throughout the community; with the employment given to an incredible number of people; with the various expences incurred from the time of the arrival, until. the re-exportation of the commodities, in landing, ftoring, afforting, re-packing, porterage, re-shipping, &c.; but above all, the increase of shipping, and of feamen. The value of trade is best ascertained by the quan tity of employment and maintenance given to the industrious part of the community. In fhort, it would be entering into a wide

field,

field, to enumerate the various advantages which centered in this country, in consequence of the trade in question; besides the great object of freight, which is just as much a part of commerce as import and export. It cannot, therefore, be expected, that Great Britain fhould create and establish a dangerous competition for objects of fuch effential importance to her; and in a country, which has peculiar advantages, from fituation and other circumftances, which the herself has not. It is highly proper, that Great Britain should encourage the manufactures and other trade of Ireland: but there is great difference between fuch conduct and changing her whole commercial and colonial fyftem; encouraging the migration of men, capitals, and trade, with their mercantile knowledge, their fteadiness of exertion, their industry, and talents for commerce, to produce an unequal competition against herself. Ireland has her advantages-let her enjoy them: Great Britain will readily adopt and promote any meafure, by which fhe can benefit Ireland, without materially injuring herself: but she cannot reasonably be expected to embrace measures tending to divert the colonial trade,and to tear

from

from her own merchants, and from her own people, all the beneficial fecurity of an important branch of trade, which fo peculiarly belongs to her, of which only she has made any referve or exception; and on which her continuing to be the ftaple for colonial and foreign articles depends, and alfo her naval ftrength, her population, revenue, and public credit :-She has entirely relaxed all navigation and colonial principles in favour of Ireland, except the point in queftion. She communicated every other advantage of import and export of colonial articles to the fifter kingdom; but wifely abftained from giving the power of importing them from Ireland into her own market. She has given to Ireland the liberty of supplying herself, and any part of the world that will admit Irish veffels, with the produce of the British colonies; and it is furely very. unreasonable that she should not be allowed the exclufive right of fupplying herself with her own colonial produce. She cannot, therefore, without being regardless of her effential interefts, promote ftill farther the export of colonial articles from Ireland, and encourage the Irish, or rather, the British