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treated the people of other nations in the fame manner, or fold and transferred them as beasts to other masters? It was the cafe in Venice: Have they not deftroyed old and free republics to convert them into new, and load them with chains and oppreffions? It is the cafe in Switzerland, Will Ireland then unite with them to become independent and a republic, that is, to bleed under their chains, guillotines, and tortures? or will the unite with Great Britain, to become as free as Britain in her Crown and commerce, in her Parliament and political Relations; to become as powerful as Great Britain herself, and, we truft, a joint inftrument of Heaven to stay the fcourge of humanity ?

COMMERCIAL STATE.

Let us now confider, what is the nature and extent of the commercial advantages of Ireland under her present system, and what are thofe derivable from the propofed fyftem of an Union?

Here we fhall fully and fairly fee, upon the plain and unequivocal evidence of figures, "whether the opinion of all those who oppose an Union on the ground of trade, is found or not, and if their testimony be as true and difinterested as they pretend.

Since the commerce of Ireland depends on British connexion, as will obviously be shown, it is reasonable to ask what is this connexion? It is one which fubfifts through the Sovereign of both countries being the fame. But it is afferted by Ireland, that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, in all their functions, legiflative and political, are diftin&t and feparate from thofe of Great Britain. Confequently, whatever is diftinct, separate, and independent of each other, must indifputably be without contact, and of

course

courfe without connexion. Where, then, is the bafis for Irish commerce? where the cement to preserve from diffolution this fyftem of British conceffion?

It is true, an A&t of Parliament has fixed the Crown of Ireland on the brow of a British King; but as that King and his Parliament of Ireland are feparate and diftinct in all functions of authority from those of England, this Act of Parliament does not invalidate the confequences refulting from their being distinct, separate, and independent of each other; namely, that they are indisputably without contact, and of course-without connexion. Befide, what one Act of Parliament has done, another Act of Parliament can undo. We fee nothing but confufion here; yet this is the connexion upon which the commercial exiftence of Ireland depends: this is the ftate of feparation upon which British courtefy and British conceffion ftand;-and of what value and extent these conceffions are, in the common commercial calculations of lofs and gain, between the two nations, let us now inquire.

Such

• The fallacy of the prefent relation between Great Britain and Ireland, has been moft fully and ably discussed by Lord Grenville, under every poffible relation of State, Church, Finance, Army, &c. whereby his Lordship made it appear, that there was really No Connexion between the two countries.

Irish Commerce with Great Britain.

(The following statements are founded upon the Public Accounts laid be fore the House of Lords, 25th of February, 1799, by Thomas Irving, Efq; Inspector General of the Revenue.)

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On an average of three years (the last year, 1798, not being yet made out in the account given in), the imports from the world amounted to

On an average of four years preceding the 5th of January, 1799, the exports to the world

2,733,870 16 a

16,734,541 11 7

30,053,664 17 10

Obferve that the above values are computed agreeably to the ancient eftimates in the Inspector General's Office, which eftimates are upon an average about 70 per cent, beneath the real and present value of the articles.

Such is the comparative commerce of Great Britain with Ireland, on a fair average of four years, and of the commerce of Great Britain with the world.We shall now take another view of it under thofe two heads during the Haft year, whereby the advantages, and disadvantages will appear beyond the power of contradiction in the self-evidence of figures.

The TOTAL imports of 1798 into Great
Britain not being yet made out, we shall

take the value of the preceding year,

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£. 21,013,956

£33,655,396

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£.54,669,352

Whole trade with Ireland,

£. 5,727,229

Valued according to the ancient rates, or about 70 per cent. beneath the prefent value.

Thus we fee clearly what is the value of the Irifh commerce, and what is the value of the whole commerce of Great Britain. It now remains to confider the Revenues

arifing

arifing to Great Britain from these respective fources of

commerce.

By the Infpector General's account, it appears that the amount of the revenue of customs collected from that part of the trade of Great Britain carried on with Ireland, was in the year ending the 5th January, 1799,-47,542 1. The amount of the revenue of customs, collected from the total trade of Great Britain 6,899,835 4.

Hence therefore it is obvious and incontrovertible, that, while Ireland enjoys more than a ninth part of the commerce of Great Britain, that commerce, which it might be fuppofed would contribute a proportionate (that is a ninth) part to the revenues, does not contribute an hundred and forty-fifth part.

Confequently, by comparing the British commerce with Ireland, and with other nations, and by comparing the cuftoms paid respectively by them to Great Britain for that commerce, it appears obviously, and beyond the poffibility of doubt, that Ireland has an advantage over other nations as 145 to nine; a superiority unexampled in all the systems of jealous commerce fince time began. For Britain lofes fo much in her revenues; fhe has facrificed fo much to fofter and favour Ireland; to elevate her near herself in commercial rank, and now he would unite her in her unparalleled greatness. She has not only facrificed a fixteen-fold lofs in her public revenues, which she might have gained by the fame trade with other countries; but, in the view of commercial purchase and individual calculation, the pays 25 per cent. more to Ireland for those articles, than fhe might procure the fame for from other nations. Therefore, the balance of the account ftands thus:-the public revenue of Great Britain fuftains a lofs in the trade of Ireland, on the comparative proportion of its commerce, as 145 to 9; that is, the receives an hundreth forty-fifth part, where a ninth part is the proportion; or, to make it ftill

more

more clear, fhe receives about one thousand out of every fixteen thousand that might be expected. Further, this is not merely so much gain to Ireland, but a fource of incalculable gain through its refults, on her productive labours. -It goes however further: the private confumer in Britain pays 25 per cent, more to Ireland than he need pay, were the fame articles for his consumption taken from other nations, and which form the chief and almoft entire trade of that country. What then is the additional refult of this gain throughout its effects on the industry of Ireland ?

But the advantages of British commerce to Ireland geftill further.

On an average of the three laft years, the annual imports of the products and manufactures of Ireland into Great Britain, amounted to 5,510,825%. whereas on a like average, the exports of the products and manufactures of Great Britain, amounted to but 2,087,672. Here then is a balance of 3,425,1537. in favour of Ireland, operating upoл the great fyftem of national industry.

But the advantages of British commerce to Ireland go ftill further.

British protection and connexion have opened to Ireland new channels for her manufactures; in return for which fhe imports foreign articles, and then exports these foreign articles to Britain. On an average of the three laft years, The has fupplied Britain with foreign commodities to the annual amount of 101,864 1. and in return for those she has taken from Britain, articles of the nature of raw materials, which are the elements of internal industry in Ireland to the amount of 447,477 %.

But the advantages of British commerce to Ireland go ftill further. We may, however, be interrupted and asked -Does not Ireland take, befide these raw materials, (which fhe cannot get elsewhere) the woollen and cotton manufactures of Great Britain? Granted: but it is a feather in the

balance

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