But, without dragging an heavy load for contest, we fhall, like David when he would not encumber himself with the weighty armour of Saul, enter the conflict in a different manner. We affert, therefore, that the Parliament is fully competent to enact an Union: and our authority is that of Coke, Hale, Blackstone, the great and honeft Lord Somers, and the four prefent Chief Judges of Ireland. And who can be more perfonally affected against an Union, from their official fituation, than the last named authorities and what authority stands higher for difcernment, than that of Lord Clare; what one more pure or exalted, than that of Lord Carleton;more able than that of Lord Yelverton;or more profound than that of Lord Kilwarden? Befide, if the Parliament of Ireland be not competent to this act, then the great and effential powers of Parliament are blafted, and its beft authority is no more. What is the Catholic Bill reduced to by this argument?

A public infringement on the rights of individuals. What the propofed reform ?-An unlawful abrogation of corporative franchifes. What the repeal of the Declaratory Act, of the 6th of George I.? A nullity--an act of ufurpation; and the Parliament of Ireland is ftill bound by English laws. But we need no ftronger teft of the invalidity of an opinion, than the abfurdity of its confequences. Befide, if the Prerogative of the Crown, the Privileges of the People, and the Conftitution of Parliament, be not fubject to its control, how, in the name of common sense, did we, the fubjects of the King of Great Britain, attain the invaluable bleffings of that Conftitution we enjoy fo eminently above other nations? Such crude affertions really deferve no answer. For if Parliament had not this compe tency, we had been stationary in bondage, like the other flaves of Europe. But, thank God, every thing is within the power of the Parliaments of these realms, which is for

the good of their respective nations, and Parliament has no other fundamental law nor limitation.

The question then is, whether the proposed Union be for the good of the Irish nation, or not?

As this question includes the benefits derivable by the people of Ireland, from her present fyftem, and those from an incorporative Union, we fhall, in order to bring the matter to a clear iffue, confider the present Political, Commercial, and Civil ftate of Ireland. And under these three general heads abundant proofs will concur, to enable us to decide accurately and fully which of the two fyftems, the prefent or the propofed one, ought to prevail, with a view to the good of the people.-Unfortunately, the happiness of the people of Ireland, is according to the opinions of many, found wanting in the balance of present good. If so, humanity, however, weeps over the folly of pride, and fometimes pardons the weakness and ambition-but can the mean dread of lofing authority blind particular men to the common utility of their nation-do not its wounds cry unto them, or can they be deaf to an awful fentiment of their own individual condition? The great voice of nature furely cannot be drowned, in these times, in filly prejudice or calamitous error.

POLITICAL STATE.

The political ftate of a country may be confidered internally and externally. The internal ftate includes its government and powers; the external state its relations, in point of enmity or friendship, with other nations. In those two views let us confider Ireland.

Firft: As to the government of Ireland, the policy of its arrangements in 1782, marks the imperfection of its prac

tical powers; and that skill which fo nobly attempted to cure political complaints, introduced but new diforders. For from the great object of that arrangement, which was independency, arose the idea of diftin&ness, and through this diftin&ness between the two bodies of the Empire, as well as the two bodies of the Irish nation, the contagious poison of the times has infused that of feparation. And against this deadly confequence to all parties there is no antidote, nor resource left, but an incorporative Union.

Here however independency rifes against the propofition, pleading with all the force of honourable pride. To this manly principle, therefore, we bow and answer, that Irish independency does not, can not exist, fave under an incorporative Union. If it did really exift, what must follow? Ultimately and unavoidably a separation of the two kingdoms, through jealousy and variance: If Ireland be nominally independent, the feparation is fo much the more inevitable, when one Parliament in the most powerful kingdom, is really independent, and the other in the weak kingdom is practically fubfervient.That this is the cafe, every law of Ireland announces under the great feal of Britain: which is a record of the dependency of its connexion, and an atteftation of the inferiority of its ftate. Remove that inferiority, and feparation enfues: embrace equality, and the Union may be immortal.

The Parliament of Ireland is ipfo facto, in a dependent ftate, as we have fhewn before: the Crown of Ireland is by law dependent on that of Great Britain, and the commerce of Ireland, is by neceffity; and it must with gratitude be acknowledged as a favour that it is permitted to be dependent upon the bounty of the British Parliament: as we fhall incontrovertibly shew hereafter.

Thus then we fee that the Union removes at once all thefe dependencies, and makes Ireland completely independent and equal to Great Britain. She will then become politically

litically free, whereas her government and powers are now politically dependent.

Next: with respect to its Political Relations, that with Britain is a dependent one, not only in Crown and Commerce, and under the feal of its laws, but under the fhield of its protection: and that with other nations, is but through abfolute dependence. For it wears again this badge in the figns and feals of all treaties, and diplomatic arrangements, entered into by Great Britain with other Powers. And if it be not thus included, and dependently connected, it has neither political relation, nor rank amongst treating nations.

Were the not thus dependently connected with Great Britain, what must be the obvious refult? It is remarked by Machiavel, that war should be the only study of States, and fays Hobbes, war is the ftate of nature. These two men demonftrate to us the melancholy hiftory of Political Societies. The leagues of nations are confederacies of intereft; that intereft originates and ends in views of power. What then is the power of Ireland? where is her portion, to fecure friendship by leagues, or repel enmity by arms, were the independent? This want of power muft, neceffarily and ever, make her dependent in the wildest schemes of fancied independency, either to become wholly unconnected, or remain connected as at prefent by a federal Union. The proofs are evidently before her. But had the ample power for independence, would the propofition of Union now exift? Moft indubitably not: fhe had long fince been independent. But her diminutive ftrength and relative position on the globe deny this independence, therefore, she can only be conjunctively independent; and through no other conjunction, that all the wit of man can devise, can fhe be independent, than through an incorporative one. We defy the moft profound judgment, or fharpeft ingenuity, to point out any other mode, whereby Ireland can be in reality and practically independent, than through an Uni

on

on of the Legislatures. She has neither population, teṛritories, revenues, nor commerce, to be feparately independent; but, by incorporation and identity with Great Britain, the acquires all thefe: and, therefore by Union, and with Great Britain alone, can fhe, or will fhe ever be independ

ent.

As to Union with France, it is Union with defpótism and robbery. That murdering nation has twice renewed her vaft armies, which have been fwept off the face of the polluted earth. She has twice publicly robbed her own fubjects, giving them for their plundered property, paper of no value, under the name of Affignats and Mandats. She has, unceasingly and without diftinction, fince the revolution, ftripped her people, after she had robbed her throne and facked her altars. Not glutted with the flaughter of above two millions of her unhappy fubjects, the plucked the sword from the bowels of her own people, to plunge it into the bofom of foreign nations. She has vexed both elements the earth and the sea bear witness against her havock of the human species: and Heaven itself had not bounds for her crimes-she has infulted the Majesty of the Creator upon his throne.

The whole globe was unequal to her horrors: even one fmall portion of it has been plundered by her rapacity of 1,691,757,354 %. fterl. [fee table A.] And we believe it might with great truth be asserted, that tigers and wolves have not collectively committed such havoc upon their respective species fince the creation, as the French upon their own, fince the revolution. Now that these men should with fuch qualifications set up to be legislators of the world, is fomewhat ftrange. But it is more ftrange, that Ireland or any other nation, in its fenfes, fhould unite with them. For have they not punished virtue with chains, banishment, and death? do they not regard their own people as an herd of cattle, to be butchered for their purposes? have they not

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