felves, we may be the happiest and strongest empire in the world-INVINCIBLE.

At a moment, then, when a defolating fiend ftalks over the earth, ravaging all states and conditions, fhould we not unite against this monster? It has however been gravely advanced in Ireland, that connexion with Britain is an advantage, but Union destruction. If British connexion be an advantage, Union, which is but clofer and stronger connexion, muft be clofer and ftronger advantage: unless Britain be confidered as a phyfical body in flames, whofe warmth is genial at a distance, but which burns by contact, and confumes by Union. Is this however the cafe? Ireland is in truth, as was eloquently defcribed by the able Prelate whom we have juft quoted, a graff, which has just grown up and flourished on the British ftock: feparate it, and it will neither ftrike root downwards nor bear fruit upwards, but will wither under the shadow of the British oak, or be poisoned by the peftilential vapours of the tree of liberty.-Unite it then with Britain, and it will become a found and vigorous limb of the empire; unite it with France, and it will become a poor fhrivelled excrefcence, which will be cut off as caprice or convenience points out.

CIVIL STATE.

This point of national Policy may be confidered in two views: First, with respect to civil, next with respect to moral economy. Civil economy comprehends the fupport of individuals, and confequently of a State : moral economy regards religion or the manners of a People.

First the system of civil œconomy which regulates the support of the great body of individuals of Ireland, is obvious as to its nature by its confequences. A ftatement was made to the Houfe of Commons of Ireland, and which was before cited, (p. 10 Union or Separation) that “out of three millions, there are two millions one hundred thousand excufed on account of poverty from paying yearly four-pence· each to the State." Where there is fuch perfonal poverty, the ftate muft ever be in danger, through diffatisfaction within, and want of fupport and power without.

Having clearly before us, at this awful period, the nature and confequences of this fyftem, we have been led to confider what is the remedy for this civil condition. Our folemn and deliberate opinion is, that there is no other remedy whatever, but an Incorporate Union.

As to Utopian cups with the waters of forgetfulness, prefcribed by fome men, they must have certainly been emptied by themselves. Such men reafon upon topics without remembering these particular and important circumstances, which totally change the nature of a cafe. And while fome reason too generally, others reafon too particularly; fuch, for inftance, are foreign and domeftic Traders, who looknot beyond local or perfonal concerns, and never enter into a combination for the general benefit of national commerce; and, next, Political Traders, who confult only for themfelves, and not for the Public at large.

Hence the crude abfurdities and grofs mifreprefentations, which have been diffused upon this occafion. They are too numerous for any one man to undertake to

expose them ;

and they are indeed too glaring to require it. The authors and abetters, however, of all manner of villainy could not have found more zealous dupes or more apt inftruments for the projected ruin of mankind in a Nation.-But if it be true, as Swift faid, that " general calamities are allowed to be the great UNITERS of mankind," we have folid ground

for

for hope. The individual and public condition in Ireland, and the general calamity which has defolated Europe and menaced the globe, will upon this reafoning caufe the Empire to be united, confolidated, and ftrengthened. With refpect to Ireland, is it not a glorious and honourable invigoration which refults from private poverty being changed into public opulence, and individual abjection into National elevation?" The picture," faid Mr. Dundas, "which I draw of Ireland, is of a gloomy and lamentable aspect; but, in proportion as it is fo, it becomes the duty of every wellwifher to both countries to devife fome remedy by which he may deftroy the hopes of the enemy, and give new life and new vigour to the Sifter Kingdom." For independent of commercial advantages through increased capital and skill; independent of civil advantages through improved agriculture and manners; independent of improved industry and condition, and the termination of civil feuds; independent of ail thefe advantages, the queftion is, as Mr. Pitt ftated it, not what Ireland is to GAIN, but what she is to PRESERVE; not merely how he may beft improve her fituation, but how She is to avert a preffing and immediate danger." When the affaffin lifts his knife, the first act is, Natural impulse, for inftant fafety: the next is, found thought, for future fecurity. Rob nature, however, of this impulfe againft domeftic traitors in Ireland; ftrip the mind of this thought for fecurity against a rapacious foe, who had declared war against Kings and enflaves all Republics; remove all those loud pleas on the prefent occafion,-and exclufive of fuch inevitable dangers, if the two countries do not unite, they muft feparate: and ruin follows. Whereas let the two countries unite, and if reafon, founded upon wife experience, have any claim on certainty, it may be maintained as a truth, that a termination of Civil mifery in Ireland will .enfue from Union, and a rapid growth of individual opulence augment the ftock of National happiness, common

power,

power, and imperial ftrength. Thus then the may despise every foreign danger, and enjoy and purfue her domestic improvement.

According to the acknowledged principles of Civil œconomy, it is agreed that, for the advantage of individuals, and confequently of the State, for it is impoffible to separate them, each labourer should be enabled to rear four children. Whatever therefore is the average weekly expense of supplying five individuals with comfortable dress, dwelling, and diet, fhould be the earning of the father of a labouring family. If the weekly expense be valued at two fhillings each, his labour should procure ten; for, the mother's work is computed to be equal to her own support. Thefe being the principles univerfally received in the systems of Civil œconomy for the good of the individual and of the State, it may fairly be asked, do the fathers of labouring families in Ireland earn ten fhillings each? For we believe no individual can have comfortable drefs, dwelling, and diet, under two fhillings on an average per week. This point we shall not push farther. Without laying open the wound more deeply, we have no doubt but an Union

will radically heal it.

The fame ftandard hold goods not only for all places, but all perfons concerned in industry and the arts; marking that due gradation, whereby remunerations and rewards rife with the rank of talents or employment.

With respect to Farmers, their portion is accurately afcertained, which is to reward their skill or application. It is two-thirds of the price of the produce of the land: one belongs to those who live by rent, or the proprietors: another third belongs to those who live by wages, or is for general cultivation: and the other third is for those who live by profit and ftock, or the farmers. The two laft thirds therefore

&c.

Cantillon, Lord Chief Justice Hale, King, Davenant, Adam Smith,

therefore are the farmer's portion, for himself, for his labourers, and for his expenfes. Such being the principles univerfally adopted as wife and juft, after ages of experience, it may not be unfair to afk, does this fyftem prevail in Ireland? Does the farmer who cultivates a confiderable tract of land, or the cottager who tills a fingle acre or a fingle rood of potatoes, does he receive two thirds of the value of the produce? If the potatoes of the cottager be worth three pounds, is the landlord fatisfied with one pound for his rent? If not, he violates the first principle of Civil œconomy, he is unwife towards the ftate and himself, and he is highly unjust toward the cottager his tenant. That this fyftem, however, will grow out of the confequences of an Union, there can be no doubt; and that it must be for the advantage not only of the lower order but the upper orders of men we refer to demonftration and experience in Britain and elsewhere.

The reason too is obvious. Liberal rewards invite induftry industry promotes population: and population and industry increase each other. For as the liberal wages and rewards of industry produce plenty, plenty gives fubfiftence and invites population; and increafed population demands increafed fubfiftence and forces induftry. Thus it is that the wife and just returns of labour, giving plenty and ftrength, promote induftry and population; and, giving animation and a hope of bettering man's condition, rouse the peafant, the farmer, or the manufacturer, to exert his ftrength, or ftretch his talents to the utmost. And then the charge of indolence and indigence is haard no more.

However, where there is not much agriculture in a country, little stock for trade, and a tolerable population, the wages will, through competition, be low, and the people be partly idle, or emigrate. But it must be granted that Ireland is not populous, though its tendency to population is extraordinary and unequalled in Europe. For, when Sir William