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balance of her trade. Let us fee what is the relative proportion of these branches, without comparing them with the whole of her other trade?

Total value of woollen manufactures exported in one year, preceding the 5th of January, 1799, Ditto to Ireland,

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£. 6,836,603 £. 580,723

Thus then without heeding fractions, we may say that there is but a twelfth part of her woollen manufactures exported to Ireland. Now let us fee the value of the

cottons:

The Total Export of cottons during one year preceding the 5th January, 1799, amounted to £. 3,497,197 Ditto to Ireland £107,293

Thus then the exports to Ireland are about a thirty-fecond part of the whole. And what has been given for those by Ireland? her native products, and the manufactures of her induftry. Befide, where else than in Great Britain could thofe articles of woollen and cotton have been procured, of fo good a quality, and at fo cheap a rate? No where on the globe. Whereas the linens taken in return for them could have been procured at a much more moderate rate, from various countries. What proportion, too, does the value of these two branches of woollen and cotton bear to the value of Irish linens? So little (as will appear hereafter) that Ireland takes further from Britain, in order to make up the balance, and as stated by the prefent Speaker of the House of Commons of Ireland, "Salt for fisheries and provisions; hops, which the cannot grow; coals, which the cannot raife; tin, which fhe has not; and bark which The cannot get elsewhere; and all these without reserving any duty, or a power to impofe any on them, though her own fubjects pay two, three, or four fhillings a chaldron for coals,

fent

(Mr. FofSuch is the And as to the

fent coastways, and in London ten fhillings." ter's fpeech-Woodfall's report, p. 110). prefent Speaker's ftatement of the trade. foreign produce which fhe takes from Great Britain, the whole during one year ending the 5th January, 1799, amounts to 1,412,504 1. according to the real value, and which she could not poffibly procure from any other market at fo moderate a rate. This will be perceived when it is ftated that four of these articles are tea, muslins, pepper, fugar, and amount to about 900,000 l. of the foregoing fum. But it should not be loft fight of, and therefore it may be repeated, that all these articles were not only procured in Great Britain cheaper than elsewhere; but were also taken in return to balance the extenfive exports of Irish products and manufactures. But the advantage of the British commerce to Ireland goes ftill further.

It is of fuch importance, that in Mr. Fofter's words (p. 109) "It is almost necessary to her exiftence." The linen trade of Ireland is by much the greatest portion of its commerce-and of that trade, about nine-tenths depend upon Britain. What then are the dangers, which menace this trade, without an incorporative Union? They are inevitable ruin. Without political feparation, without rebellious commotion, or without civil fhock in Irelandcommercial confequences muft alone diffolve the trade of that country.

Its own profperity prepares its death warrant under its present relations; every further advance to success is a step nearer to the grave.

The watchfulness of Great Britain over her trade and navigation, which conftitute the fources of her power and her fplendor, was fufficiently marked for Ireland, by the Committee of the Lords of Trade. It was this commercial vigilance that appointed them to inveftigate the Irish At for granting BOUNTIES on the EXPORT of the linen and hempen manufactures

manufactures of that kingdom, and for repealing the bounties on flax feed imported; and for encouraging the growth thereof in that kingdom. For fo long as the kingdoms are diftin& and feparate, fave by a parliamentary dependence of one crown upon another, we may reasonably conclude that Britain will always be awake to her own interefts, and in obedience to these interests, will turn the balance of Irish trade, by either withdrawing her bounties on Irifh articles, or diminishing the duties on the fame articles from foreign nations. Thus fhe can always fay to the tide of Irish commerce, under the prefent connection, "fo far fhalt thou go:"-but under an Union, she can never fay-" no further." Her own interests, as well as the terms of the compact, will bar the fentiment. Whereas, under the existing connexion, what was the opinion of Mr. Foster, p. 108. "The Honourable Gentleman," fays he, alluding to Mr. Flood) complains of the report of the English Privy Council, who say that to put Ireland and England on a footing of exact reciprocity as to linens, Ireland ought to give a bounty on the exportation of English linens, because England gives a bounty on the exportation of Irish linens.-CAN ANY THING BE MORE JUST?" Such was the fentence of Mr. Fofter. "Yet, (adds he) England makes no fuch demand, but is ready by this adjustment," which is precisely applicable to this prefent measure-" to give additional fecurity to Our LINEN TRADE FOR EVER."

Now, in order to afcertain what is the power of Great Britain at present, over the linen trade of Ireland, we must also mark what is the influence of her Bounties on that trade; and thus we fhall clearly fee how to calculate; first, what must be the effects of the final adjustment of an Union, whereby probably all foreign competition in import, and confequently expart with Irish linen, would be prohibited; and next, what must be the effect of fuccefs without an Union, when commercial contests must enfue, and “the

war

war of bounties, wherein Ireland cannot cope with Britain ?"

Effects of an Union on the Linen Trade.

The effects of an Union, in counteracting foreign com petition against Irish trade, may be viewed through the effects of those Bounties, which have already operated on that competition.

The firft Bounties on Irish linen exported from Great Britain, took place in 1743, and the export under the bounty was,

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This increase through bounties has been alfo aided by duties on the import of foreign linens, but these duties have certainly operated to the prejudice of the woollen manufactures of Great Britain; as foreign powers confequently laid on them reciprocal duties and reftrictions. The effect however of those bounties on Irish linens, and of accumulated duties on foreign linens, fwelled the import of the former confiderably. For

In 1743 there were imported 6,418,375 yards;

-

1773,

17,876,617 Increase 11,458,242 yards.

That this increase arose from the operation of bounties and duties, will appear obviously from the decrease in the import and export of foreign linens, compared at the fame periods.

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But there is now a fecond period whereby we may afcertain the effects of British connexion and commerce, as we did in the foregoing period of British bounties and duties, in favour of the Irish linen trade.

The Irish linens exported from Great Britain entitled to bounty, were,

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Here then is an increase of exports on Irish linens, from 40 thousand yards, to nearly seven million and a half in $795.

The imports of Irish linen as we have seen were in 1743, above four millions of yards-in 1773 above 17 millions;

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Ireland supplies other countries with about four millions of yards

or one-tenth; the other nine depend on British commerce.

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