fhillings an acre more, to stock the farms of Ireland like thofe of England. See here what an object for the employment of British capital, and what an inducement such a profit must afford. As to Leather, we export no less than 22,822 raw hides yearly, and we import leather, and articles manufactured of leather, to an immenfe amount; but all our raw hides would be tanned at home, and manufactured into the various articles now imported, had we a fufficient capital in Ireland for that purpose. But the moft ftriking circumstance of all is, that notwithstanding we obtained a free trade to the British fettlements and colonies in 1779, yet it appears by the account No. 6, annexed to this pamphlet, that we import at this day to the value of more than a million of colonial produce through Great-Britain. What can it be but want of capital that could induce us to do this? And is not the bringing this produce directly to Ireland an object proper for the employment of British capital? The bare mention of thefe objects, is fufficicnt to fhew the fallacy of that argument, which chufing out of a great catalogue of manufactures four, which the arguer thought would best answer his purpose, afferts, that thefe manufactures could not be carried on with advantage in Ireland, for want of proper fuel; and therefore that no other manufactures could and that, therefore, no British capital would be brought into Ireland. If this argument was well founded, I would ask, upon what foundation could Mr. Fofter fupport the Bill upon the Irish Propofitions, in 1785? If there were but four manufactures worth having, if none of thefe could be carried on to advantage in Ireland, and if there were no other method of employing capital here, what was it that we were to have obtained by the Commercial Treaty Bill? His argument upon that fubject held a very different language indeed: "She (Great-Britain) offers to take us into partnership in her trade. She, an old eftablished country, "raised by commerce alone to an height above any other "European power, invites us to partake of the means that "raifed her to wealth and greatness, to a full and equal fbare in that trade which coft her millions to obtain, and " will coft her millions to preserve." Again: "Were a man to look for the country moft * advantageous to fettle manufacture in, what would be his "choice? B 2 "choice? One, where labour and provifions are cheap-that is "Ireland; and what would he next look for? Why, to have "a rich, extended and feady market near him, which "England, fretched alongside, affords, and to establish that "market for this country, is one great object of this fyflem. "Gentlemen undervalue the reduction of British duties on our manufactures; I agree with them, that it may not "operate foon, but we are to look forward in a final fettlement, and it is impossible but that in time, with as good "climate, equal natural powers, cheaper food, and fewer "taxes, we must be able to fell to them. When commercial jealousy fhall be banished by final settlements, and trade "take its natural and feady courfe, the kingdoms will cease to look to rivalship, each will make that fabric which it can "do cheapest, and buy from the other what it cannot make fo advantageously; labour will be then truly employed to "profit, not diverted by duties, bounties, jealoufies, or "legislative interference, from its natural and beneficial "courfe, this fyftem will obtain its real object, confolidating "the Arength of the remaining parts of the empire, by "encouraging the communications of their market among "themfelves, with preference to every part against all "c ftrangers. "Let us alfo obferve, that now, for the first time, Great "Britain offers us a right for ever, in all present and future colonies, without any refervation of power to call on us, "either to procure, fupport or preferve them; fhe maintains "them, we share all the profits; and not only their goods, "but all goods of Irish produce are to pass through Britain "duty free; can foreign nations, after this is fettled, make diftinction between British and Irish goods? Our manufac "tures will be united as our interefts, and we fball laugh at Portugal folly. "I could run out for hours into the many benefits of "this fyftem; but I have tired the Houfe too long; let "me only implore you not to reject this measure for ill-founded vifionary objections, or to facrifice realities to "Shadows. may If this infatuated country gives up the prefent offer, fe look for it again in vain; things cannot remain as "they are, commercial jealoufy is rouled, it will increase "with two independent legislatures, if they do not mutually "declare the principles whereby their powers fhall be fi parately "parately employed, in directing the common concerns of "trade; and without an united intereft of commerce, in a "commercial empire, a political union will receive many "fhocks, and feparation of interefts must threaten a fepara"tion of connection, which every honeft Irishman must "fbudder ever to look at as a poffible event. "I will only add, that if this measure be refused, Ireland "will receive more folid injury, than from any other evil "that ever befel her; it is in vain for Gentlemen to think we can go on as we have done for fome years-or to expect "to cope with England in a destructive war of bounties"our fituation must become every day more difficult, and it is "impoffible to forefee all the ruinous confequences that may "enfue." In this genuine ftatement of the fentiments of Mr. Fofter, is truly pictured the value of a partnership in trade with Great Britain. Here alfo we fee Ireland defcribed as the very country, where after fuch partnership should be established, any wife man would wish to fettle, in order to carry on manufactures; where labour and provifions are cheap, and fituated in the neighbourhood of the rich, extended, and fteady market of Great Britain-here alfo, we have his opinion, that Ireland, with a climate as good as that of Britain, with equal natural powers, and with cheaper food and fewer taxes, muft be able to manufacture cheaper than Britain. That each country will manufacture thofe fpecies of goods most adapted to their circumftances, and that fuch a fyftem will confolidate the ftrength of the remaining parts of the empire. We alfo find here that he was of opinion, that fuch a connection would not only give us manufactures, but trade, not only with the British colonies, but with all foreign nations, where no difference could thereafter be made between English and Irish commodities. At this day it feems he is of a different opinion; he thinks that there are but four manufactures in Britain worth following. That none of thefe can be carried on to advantage in Ireland. That, therefore, no part of the British Capital will come to Ireland, and that it is abfurd and futile to affert, that a Legislative Union can bring capital hither. Having fhewn what Mr. Fofter's opinion is at this day, and what it was in 1785, upon the advantages that would arife to Ireland, from a partnership in trade with Great Britain, I shall take the liberty of making a few obfervations upon upon his affertion, that not one of thefe great fources of wealth, the woollen, the cotton, the iron, or the pottery manufactures, can be carried on in Ireland, as they depend fo totally on the plenty and cheapnefs of fuel, that even in England they can exift only in the coal countries. That the plenty and cheapness of fuel must be a very great advantage in these, and indeed in most other manufactures, is moft certainly true; but they do not depend folely upon the cheapnefs of this one article, but of the aggregate articles neceffary for carrying them on; fuch as raw materials, labour, the price of provifions, the weight of taxes, the command of water, and the quality of it, &c. &c. &c. And the difference in the price of fuel may be more than counterbalanced by the cheapnefs and convenience of thefe feveral articles. To begin with the Woollen manufacture.-No man is ignorant that in the reign of king William we had an extenfive woollen manufacture in Ireland, fo much fo, as to excite the jealoufy of England; and Mr. Fofter tells us, page 72, that" in the year 1698, our woollen trade was in fo flourifb"ing a condition, that after fupplying ourselves we exported "to the amount in value of 110,000l. which was at that time "one-fifth of our whole export." Had we any collieries at that time that do not exift at this day? On the contrary, have not the collieries near Feathard in Tipperary, fome of those in the Queen's county; in Leitrim, near Lough-Allen; at Drumglas, and Coal-Ifland, in Tyrone; at Ballycastle and Fairhead, in Antrim, been fince difcovered? How then was the woollen manufacture carried on at that day? The collieries of Kilkenny, and in the Queen's County, have been known for many years; and if we are to believe the evidence of Mr. Evans, an engineer of great character, who conducts the Grand Canal works, given before the House of Commons in the year 1783, thefe collieries alone, if properly worked, would produce yearly 300,000 ton of coal; which might be carried by the canal, and fold at the dif tance of 40 miles for 15. 6d. a barrel, weighing four hundred; which is but 4 d. a hundred weight: a price, I believe, as low, if not lower, than coal can be purchased at either in Leeds, Manchefter, Sheffield, Staffordshire, or Birmingham. He ftated alfo, that at Lough-Allen there are collieries equal to the supply of the whole kingdom, if properly worked, worked, and in quality equal, if not fuperior to the best Whitehaven coal. And what does Mr. Fofter himself fay, in 1799, page 88 of his printed fpeech? "Should rafh councils, forget"ting the advantages of friendly intercourfe, attempt to pro"hibit or clog our import of raw materials, viz. coals, hops, "bark, rock-falt, &c. with duties, which no man in either country deprecates more fincerely than I do, neceffity may "compel us to fearch for coal, WHICH EXISTS IN IRE"LAND, but which we have never looked for effectually." Have we not a woollen manufacture? Is not all the wool we grow now worked up into the ultimate manufacture? In the three years immediately subsequent to the paffing the act of the 10 Will. 3. c. 10, to restrain our woollen trade, which is the period alluded to by Mr. Fofter, the average export of wool and woollen yarn to England from this country, was 349,410 ftone; in the last three years to 1798, the average export was 18,941 ftone; fo that it appears that we now work up all our wool to the ultimate stage of manufacture. And how is this done at this day, if the pofition be true, that the woollen manufacture can exift only in the coal countries? I think I may be allowed to affert, that we work up all our wool; for the fmall quantity of 18,941 ftone cannot be reckoned as any thing; and it is curious to fee how even this small average is yearly decreafing, The quantity of wool, and woollen and worfted yarn, exported in the laft three years, was as follows: Woollen and Worsted Yarn 1 29,220 ftoac. 12,192 So that it appears that the fmall export of thefe articles is decreafing every day: and Mr. Fofter himself states, in fame page 72," that Ireland exports no unmanufactured "wool; that it works up all it has." ne Again: Where is it in Ireland that the woollen manufacture is carried on? In Dublin, in Cork, in Bandon, in Waterford, in Tallow, in Lifmore, in Carrick-on-fuir, and in the Queen's County. Is there any colliery near any of these places except in the Queen's County? If these facts be fo, does it not appear that a woollen manufacture not only exifts at this day in Ireland, but that it |