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tical powers; and that skill which so nobly attempted to cure political complaints, introduced but new disorders. For from the great object of that arrangement, which was independency, arose the idea of diftin&ness, and through this diftin&ness between the two bodies of the Empire, as well as the two bodies of the Irish nation, the contagious poison of the times has infused that of separation. And against this deadly consequence to all parties there is no antidote, nor resource left, but an incorporative Union.
Here however independency rises against the proposition, pleading with all the force of honourable pride. To this manly principle, therefore, we bow and answer, that Irish independency does not, can not exist, fave under an incorporative Union. If it did really exist, what must follow ? Ultimately and unavoidably a separation of the two king:doms, through jealousy and variance: If Ireland be nominally independent, the separation is fo much the more inevitable, when one Parliament in the most powerful kingdom, is really independent, and the other in the weak kingdom is practically subfervient. That this is the case, every law of Ireland announces under the great feal of Britain : which is a record of the dependency of its connexion, and an attestation of the inferiority of its state. Remove that inferiority, and separation ensues : embrace equality, and the Union may be immortal.
The Parliament of Ireland is ipfo fazlo, in a dependent ftate, as we have thewn before: the Crown of Ireland is by law dependent on that of Great Britain, and the commerce of Ireland, is by necessity; and it muft with gratitude be acknowledged as a favour that it is permitted to be dependent upon the bounty of the British Parliament: as we shall incontrovertibly shew hercafter.
Thus then we see that the Union removes at once all these dependencies, and makes Ireland completely independent and equal to Great Britain. She will then become po
litically free, whereas her government and powers are now politically dependent.
Next: with respect to its Political Relations, that with Britain is a dependent one, not only in Crown and Commerce, and under the seal of its laws, but under the field of its protection: and that with other nations, is but through absolute dependence. For it wears again this badge in the signs and seals of all treaties, and diplomatic arrangements, entered into by Great Britain with other Powers. And if it be not thus included, and dependently connected, it has neither political relation, nor rank amongst treating nations.
Were she not thus dependently connected with Great Britain, what must be the obvious result? It is remarked by Machiavel, that war should be the only study of States, and says Hobbes, war is the state of nature. These two men demonstrate to us the melancholy history of Political Societies. The leagues of nations are confederacies of intereft; that interest originates and ends in views of power. What then is the power of Ireland ? where is her portion, to secure friendship by leagues, or repel enmity by arms, were she independent ? This want of power muft, necessarily and ever, make her dependent in the wildest schemes of fancied independency, either to become wholly unconnected, or remain connected as at present by a federal Union. . The proofs are evidently before her. But had lhe ample power for independence, would the proposition of Union now exift? Most indubitably not: she had long since been independent. But her diminutive strength and relative position on the globe deny this independence, therefore, she can only be conjunctively independent; and through no other conjunction, that all the wit of man can devise, can she be independent, than through an incorporative one. We defy the most profound judgment, or sharpeft ingenuity, to point out any other mode, whereby Ireland can be in reality and practically independent, than through an Uni
on of the Legislatures. She has neither population, terria tories, revenues, nor commerce, to be separately independent; but, by incorporation and identity with Great Britain, the acquires all these : and, therefore by Union, and with Great Britain alone, can the, or will she ever be independent.
As to Union with France, it is Union with despotism ánd robbery. That murdering nation has twice renewed her vast armies, which have been swept off the face of the polluted earth. She has twice publicly robbed her own subjects, giving them for their plundered property, paper of no value, under the name of Aflignats and Mandats.-She has, unceasingly and without distinction, since the revolution, stripped her people, after she had robbed her throne and facked her altars. Not glutted with the slaughter of above two millions of her unhappy subjects, she plucked the sword from the bowels of her own people, to plunge it into the bosom of foreign nations. She has vexed both elements : the earth and the sea bear witness against her havock of the human species : and Heaven itself had not bounds for her crimes-she has insulted the Majesty of the Creator upon his throne,
The whole globe was unequal to her horrors: even one fmall portion of it has been plundered by her rapacity of 1,691,757,354 l. fterl. [fee table A!] And we believe it might with great truth be asserted, that tigers and wolves have not collectively committed such havoc upon their respective species since the creation, as the French
their own, since the revolution. Now that these men should with such qualifications set up to be legislators of the world, is somewhat strange. But it is more strange, that Ireland or any other nation, in its senses, should unite with them. For have they not punished virtue with chains, banishment, and death? do they not regard their own people as an herd of cattle, to be butchered for their purposes ? have they not
treated the people of other nations in the same manner, or fold and transferred them as beasts to other masters? It was the case in Venice: Have they not destroyed old and free republics to convert them into new, and load them with chains and oppreffions? It is the case in Switzerland, Will Ireland then unite with them to become independent and a republic, that is, to bleed under their chains, guillotines, and tortures ? or will the unite with Great Britain, to become as free as Britain in her Crown and commerce, in her Parliament and political Relations ; to become as powerful as Great Britain herself, and, we trust, a joint instrument of Heaven to stay the scourge of humanity ?
Let us now consider, what is the nature and extent of the commercial advantages of Ireland under her present system, and what are those derivable from the proposed system of an Union?
Here we shall fully and fairly see, upon the plain and unequivocal evidence of figures, whether the opinion of all those who oppose an Union on the ground of trade, is sound or not, and if their testimony be as true and disinterefted as they pretend.
Since the commerce of Ireland depends on Britilh connexion, as will obviously be shown, it is reasonable to ask what is this connexion ? It is one which subfifts through the Sovereign of both countries being the same. But it is alserted by Ireland, that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, in all their functions, legislative and political, are distina and separate from those of Great Britain. Confequently, whatever is distinct, separate, and independent of each other, muft indisputably be without contact, and of
course without connexion. Where, then, is the basis for Irith commerce? where the cement to preserve from diffolution this system of British concession?
It is true, an Ad of Parliament has fixed the Crown of Ireland on the brow of a British King ; but as that King and his Parliament of Ireland are separate and distinct in all functions of authority from those of England, this Act of Parliament does not invalidate the consequences resulting from their being distinct, separate, and independent of each other ; namely, that they are indisputably without contact, and of course without connexion. Befide, what one Act of Parliament has done, another A&t of Parliament can undo. We see nothing but confusion here; yet this is the connexion upon which the commercial existence of Ireland depends: this is the ftate of separation upon which British courtesy and British concession stand ;—and of what value and extent these concessions are, in the common commercial calculations of loss and gain, between the two nations, let us now inquire.
• The fallacy of the present relation between Great Britain and Ire. land, has been most fully and ably discussed by Lord Grenville, under every possible relation of State, Church, Finance, Army, &c. whereby his Lordship made it appear, that there was really No Connexion between the two countries.
Irish Commerce with Great Britain.
(The following statements are founded upon the Public Accounts laid be.
fore the House of Lords, 25th of February, 1799, by Thomas Irving, Efq; Inspector General of the Revenue.)