export of our linen, are the caufe of the profperity of our manufacture, and that if our linens were prohibited to the British Ports, it is impoffible to foresee what Ports we may find; that we know that Spain and Portugal coníume an immenfity of linen in their own countries and their fettlements, which we may fupply; and that, as we are not protected any where against German linens, except in England, it is probable our linen will find a market every where.

To what is it that we are to attribute fuch contradictory opinions and arguments? The explanation I fhall leave to my readers; my refpect for Mr. Fofter must prevent me from forming any conjectures on the occafion.

M.

[The attention of the House of Lords was called by the
Marquis of Lanfdowne, to " Union or Separation,"
as "containing more found fenfe, more knowledge,
" and more experience of the world, than volumes
"which had been written on the fubject."]

DUBLIN:

PRINTED FOR J. MILLIKEN, 32, GRAFTON-STREET.

THE

POLITICAL,

COMMERCIAL, AND CIVIL,

STATE OF IRELAND.

WE fhould cautiously guard against the condemnation of

a great and important measure, before we have examined it in all its bearings, with the found and deliberate exercise of unprejudiced reason. For, however fublime the range of genius may be, or however high the caft of authority, they fhould not be admitted with affertions as arguments, nor unfupported opinions as proofs.We should try them by the unerring touchftone of facts and common fenfe. Genius may dazzle, but not elucidate; and authority may impofe, if not err-it often does fo. But facts cannot mislead, common sense cannot deceive. And, if by these two guides the people be fuffered to judge for themselves, we are convinced they will judge juftly.

Having thus exercised their understanding fully and fairly, if they find an Union pernicious to the welfare of Ireland, then, in the name of common fenfe, let them reject and oppofe it to the last extremity. But, if on the contrary, they perceive, that it is the only band which pours oil into the

wounds of their bleeding country, and binds them up for ever; if it be the only means to heal particular grievances, and to promote general welfare, let them in God's name embrace it. And judging of it, let them coolly and difpaffionately direct their views to the whole intereft of Ireland, which muft, unavoidably include their own particular welfare; let them alfo confider well the state of Ireland to day: the state of the Empire and of Europe, the caft of the times, and the awful condition of the civilized and bleeding world, -and then they will judge juftly.

On a fubject fo comprehenfive, should any arguments be advanced, which have been more ably enforced before, we truft we shall be excufed: at the clofe of a long difcuffion, perhaps, it is not unpardonable, as it is not unwise, to refresh the memory of conviction.

One ground, however, remains yet untrodden-it is that of commerce. And on this important ground we hold it our duty, fo far as full and authentic documents enable us, to inftruct our fellow fubjects in Ireland, and to warn them with anxious concern as they value their country, and almoft their existence as a nation, to think wifely, and act justly. For this purpose we shall lay before them a body of evidence on Commerce, which is incontrovertible by the higheft, and we doubt not, will prove conclufive to the meaneft capacity, on the subject of an Union.

It has, however, been afferted, that though the wisdom and expediency of an Union were manifeft, it is not lawful. Now, in the very affertion, there is a plain contradiction to the point advanced. The effence of all power and all law is neceffity: which neceffity is in other words an imperious principle, called the good of Society. Whatever, therefore, is wife and expedient, contains that eternal principle, and is the effential bafis of all laws whatever, whether they be fundamental laws or laws of regulation.

But,