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I cannot be prevailed on to let this go to the Prefs, without, (though it is travelling beyond the regular order I had prescribed to myself,) without giving you some short hint of my fentiments and feelings, when I read your very unkind and unmerited asperfions, on those glorious and patriotic characters, (the founders, in fact, of the Irish constitution, as the YEOMANRY fince have been its Saviours,) I mean the original Volunteers of 1779 and 1782. That it may not be thought that I could mistake, mif-state, or mis-represent your true meaning, I transcribe the whole paffage. It is in the 48th page of your work, where fpeaking on the

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liar aptitude of a season, (such as this) of irritations and of turbulence, as best suited to the introduction

of conftitutional innovations, because readiest offering the means to rivet them upon us; you deliver your opinion in these explicit and extraordinary

terms:

"As to a time of war, it is true, that the Vo«<lunteers took advantage of the embarraffments "of Great Britain, in the laft war, to affert the independence of our parliament. It is likewife “true, that the United Irishmen, in the present "war, have taken advantage of the fuppofed

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game

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"weakness of Great Britain, to play the separation. When, therefore, enemies of the Empire take advantage of a time of war and "embarraffment, to effect its ruin, we should turn against them their own game, and make use of "a time of war to establish its fecurity."

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Here is a propofition most logically constructed Premises with two premises and a conclufion. how incongruous! how monftrous the conclufion! The original Volunteers of Ireland are here made to correspond and agree, and are put in most

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pointed appofition to the horde of convicted, or confeffed traitors, the United Irishmen of 1798: their actions are defcribed in terms as injurious as any Johnson or Sheridan could furnish ; " to take advantage," is appropriate to fwindlers and robbers; " to affert," as it is here used, infers unjust affumption, and insinuates unfounded claim. The fecond fentence, defignates the United Irishmen by precifely the fame expreffion beftowed upon the Volunteers. "The United Irishmen in the prefent war-the Volunteers in the last war"-both have taken advantage. It is an unlucky phrafe; and little mended by occurring yet a third time in the conclufion. "When, therefore, enemies of the empire take advantage," &c. Enemies of the empire! Who? What enemies? And of what empire? Is it the original Volunteers of Ireland, enemies! Is it thofe very men to whom you yourfelf, then an Officer of the Houfe of Commons, did in the Seffion of 1782, tranfinit, at least, TRANSCRIBE, the unanimous thanks of the Parliament of Ireland, for being the fteady Friends and Soldiers of their country-The glorious founders of our Independency and Conftitution! Are thefe

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the enemies you mean? Are thefe the men you Now fay were "effecting the ruin" of their country? Are these the "gamefters," against whom you propose "we should turn" and unite? Who is meant by WE? Who can be meant? Not the United Irishmen: they are alfo players of the fame game you fay: not the corporate bodies of Ireland: not the Houses of Parliament of Ireland: they have all recorded their fentiments, their approbation, and their thanks: not the Merchants of Ireland, they enjoy that very " Free Trade" the Volunteers procured them: not the Lawyers of Ireland, they know their conftitution, and they love it; and when they entered the profeflion, Sir, they fwore to KEEP it: not the Yeomanry of Ireland, they armed to protect, fecure, and improve, what the Volunteers armed to affert, establish, and maintain. There is not then, (and I am proud to fay it!) there is not then in ALL Ireland, one fingle rank, clafs, or defcription of men, to whom your patriotic exhortation is, or can be applicable. As you have chofen English arguments, you must select an English audience, and you are SURE of pleafing. As to us, We leave us, for God's fake, as you found us. have been in a fever, the crifis is past, and we are

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mending; do not bleed or phyfic us into a confump-. tion, and all may be well yet. Our Conftitution is not fo bad as you would make it.

In my next, (for poffitively I am just concluding,) you shall have the thoughts of an unambitious man, upon that part of your pamphlet, in which you exult, not a little, at the wholesome curb and restrictive effect of an Union; in detaching young barristers from political pursuits : chaining them like clerks and scriveners to their desks, and putting an effectual ftop to those impudent ftrides by which they are so apt to thrust themselves into the Houfe of Commons: not forgetting to fuggeft to you one trifling omiffion which you made in your catalogue of advantages, that are to accrue to fuitors, after an Union, in having their causes argued and managed by lawyers, who will, then, no longer have their brains bewildered with political fpeculations: but you strangely forgot to mention the great additional advantage which the faid fuitors must derive from the RE-TRANSPORTATION of the APPELLANT JURISDICTION: whereby they will have their caufes finally decided on, in a much shorter, quicker, easier, and less expensive manner,

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