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virtuous country-women: and deeply should I fear, that the produce of fuch an Union would be deferted, or contemned, as a baftard, and instead of being cherished with the milk of human kindness, would be stinted in its nourishment and fuckled by a wolf. If the Author will have Sabine History, why did he forget to hint at the fate of Sabine Tatius? It might be no inapplicable caution to the Irish promoters of an Union. As the Author proceeds to except especially to every argument drawn from what he calls "the common-place topics of national dignity and national pride"-I forbear to touch on them: indeed on that head, there can not be TWO opinions, and the queftion with which he begins, (page 4) is a petitio principii,

I deny that the confolidation of the feparate fhires of the Heptarchy into one empire, nay, even the junction of the kingdom of Scotland to England, can at this day furnifh a juft and reasonable parallel to an Union between this Country and Great Britain. Independent of the other reafons of popular pre-opinions, (for I will not libel them with the term prejudices) independent of nationality and other arguments to be touched on hereafter,

Nature

Nature herself feems to have interpofed local obftacles and impediments to fuch an undertakingNature had not dealt with Scotland as with Ireland

She had not expanded the bofom of the Tweed to the breadth of the Irish Channel, nor dropt the Scottish Hebrides like the verdant plains of Ireland,

"A PRECIOUS GEM! SET IN THE SILVER SEA.” SHAKESPEAR'S Richard 2nd.

The Author proceeds to make just distinctions between questions of choice and of neceffity. I pray Heaven! they never may become diftinctions without difference.

An Union is compared, (page 5.) to a partnerfhip. But we should not forget that by the very articles of partnership, an eternal relinquishment of our little capital would be a SINE-QUA-NON. Our hopes of benefit from this fine participation in an extenfive and a wealthy ferme might be disappointed, we might pine to withdraw ourselves from this great scale of things, and carry on business in an humbler, happier fphere: But where or how is the oncerelinquished capital to be fubtracted? Alas! the

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Independence and the Conftitution we have once parted with, is gone and furrendered for ever! And truly fhould we never wifh to diffolve the connection, I fee no mighty comfort or refpectability attached to the fituation, at least of the poor copartner. Must he not travel every fitting to the counting-house of his more wealthy ally, who takes care to keep the books and the coffers in his own parlour and when at laft the profits of the ferme are to be distributed, he receives, not a share, but a ftipend, and discontentedly departs not with the honorable dividend of a partner, but the galling wages of a clerk.

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In case of an Union, the Author thus lays down the relative circumstances of each partner, or State: Ireland, "inferior in point of Civilization, Agriculture, Commerce, Manufactures, Morals, Manners, Establishments, Constitution;" England, "Eminent and Superior in all!" Then, fays he, is it not evident, the former must be amazingly benefited by an Union? What! are we to fuppofe, or would he infer that England would unconditionally, gratuitously, and without most weighty correfponding facrifices upon our part, be fo un

naturally

naturally generous, as to force these benefits upon

us? Ah!

"TIMEO DANAOS, ET DONA FERENTES."

I would befeech Irishmen to pause, before they rush into the arms of such deceitful blandishment; and beware how they furrender a conftitution, they never can recal!

But if I have hitherto diffented from the arguments of the pamphlet before me, how fhall I express my furprize and aftonishment, at the language of the 8th and 9th pages, in which the example of France-yes! of lawless, grasping, robbing France, is held up as the mirror to nations; and as the alluring example to-what? to Indivifibility and Union! Not to dwell upon the horror with which every honeft native of England and Ireland, have been forced to look at every political act of that all-grafping and unprincipled people; not to mention the moral turpitude, nor the political infidelity of the principle, furely, if this example or parallel of our author proves any thing, it proves too much; for if England (in

cafe

cafe of an Union) is to become like overgrown France, Ireland, (to carry on his own parallel), must be Geneva, which our author TELLS us is incorporated, and which we KNOW is enflaved; or, the must be Savoy, which he also tells us is incorporated, and which we know has been deluged in blood; or she must be Austrian Flanders or Spain, the one convulfed with factions and intrigue, the other trembling from her vicinity to plunderers, to whose rapacity and avarice, the Pyrenees are Mole-hills; or she must be Holland, Switzerland, Sardinia, or the new Republic of Italy-take your choice. Glorious examples all of fraternal Union, and the bleffings of ftrict political Indivifibility! I confess I am startled at this whole pasfage; and though I have read it often, Ishould doubt that I had read it aright, were it not for the very unequivocal fentences which follow: «< France well knows the principle and the force of incorporations." Every state which the unites to herfelf, she makes part of her empire, ONE and INDIVISIBLE," &c. &c. Indeed I fhould not have relished this implied approbation of the predatory policy of our enemy, even in a common writer: but when I find it flow from a pen, which we must fuppofe

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