of his moft declared Enemies, done every Thing, that King could do, and has never refused or omitted doing any one Thing propofed, for the Good of his People, placed in a bad, or even in a doubtful, Light?--Who then will wonder at finding the poor Author abused, flandered and vilified, in every Page, in every fubfequent Sentence of this Charge, when the best of Princes and of Men, is treated no better, by thofe, who live by his Favor?If you would know more of this worthy Judge's Regard to his King, do not take it from his aukward Attempts to fawn and flatter; but fee how he fulfills and keeps his Majefty's Oath to his People of Ireland, committed to his Lordship's Care and Cuftody; a remarkable Inftance of which, will appear in the COMPLAINTS of Dublin, delivered to the Lord Harrington, the 25th of December, 1747, and afterwards published in Londen and Dublin.

But, these are not the onely Inftances of Ingratitude, that have been offered the beft of Patrons and Princes, by fome of his Creatures, which, it is the Duty of every loyal and well-affected Subjet to expofe. Who does not remember the most shocking Combination of fome of the Creatures of the Crown, and that at a moft critical Conjuncture, to thwart and embarass the Sovereign's Administration, even in the Appointment of his Minifters and Servants? Yet, this, by a furprising Lenity and Clemency, was fuffered to pafs unpunished! The Part, which the Author of the prefent deepest Diftreffes of Dublin and Ireland, bore in this fhameful Confpiracy, though raised by his Prince, from Poverty and Contempt, to Opulence, Rank and Grandeur, will remane, on the Records of Memory, one of the most lafting Monuments of the complicated Infamy of that perfidious and ungrateful Servant. But, to return to our good Chief Juftice, to fee his political Principles, and his pliant Notions of our Government.

His Lordship's Intention and Defire to revive and restore that defpotic and arbitrary Power, which was lately found fo hateful and intollerable, and, at length, fuppreffed, not without an immenfe Expence of Blood and Treasure, in thefe Kingdoms, fhine forth moft ftrongly throughout this Charge, as fhall, in an Inftance or two, be made to appear from his Lordship's own Words.

In p. 6, our Chief of Irish Justices affigns, as the principal Motive of our Regard to the Perfon of the King, that as the Subject hath his Protection from the King and his Laws, so is be bound, by his Allegiance, to be true and faithful to his

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Sovereign.

Sovereign. Whether this differs in any Thing, but Impropriety or Inelegance of Expreffion, from the Pofitions of the, until now, matchlefs Judges of the weakeft, or wickedeft Princes of thefe Realms; even from thofe, who lately declared the Kings of England, were abfolute and uncontrolable in their Power; above all Laws; that the Laws were the King's, at his Disposal, and subject to his Construction, Difpenfation, &c. I fubmit to the Judgement of the Impartial. But, to crown thofe lately revived Doctrines of his Lordship, he tells Us, in the 7th p. that the Perfons of King's are in all Monarchies held inviolable.-Who could imagine, that any Slave fhould prefume to flatter, in these Terms? That any Man fhould dare to revive these exploded Doctrines, which, had they fome Time fince prevailed, must have abfolutely prevented the late Revolution, and marred all the Happiness We enjoy from it's Confequences?But, let Us examine thofe revived Marlayan Doctrines, by the true Principles of the British Policy, not by the Dictates of fervile Temporifers, and fee how they will then stand the Teft.

Neither this mighty Justice, nor any of his puifnè Brethren, ever attempted to contradict, in Words, however they might, in Practice, have ran counter to, the Principles of the British Policy, fet forth in the following Papers; though it is moft evident, that this Gentleman is as much a Stranger, or an Enemy, to these Principles, as he is to these Papers, or to the Author: For, though in these, a Body Politic be exactly and truly defined; the Relation, every Member of the Community bears to an other, fet forth, and the general Conftitution layed down, from the beft Authority; yet, does this wife and learned Judge, fhew or affect an Ignorance of both, inconfiftent with the Duty of his Office, and unbecoming this, his gracious Charge. In p. 7, his Lordship pathetically wishes, fome of the political Preachers, the Mountebank Politicians, againft which he preaches, or at whom he fcolds, in a Language, better fuited to Billinfgate, than to a Bench of Juftice, had at least read Ælop's Fables, and there remembered the War between the Members and the Belly. If this difcerning Judge had read and underftood these Papers, he muft have seen the Moral of this Fable ftrongly inculcated from Reason and Law, to which he chooses to turn Tail, throughout all the Oeconomy of his Station, as well as in this learned Charge. But, in the Conclufion of this Paragraph, his Lordship affigns bis Caufe for his Wish, which is, in order to cure thofe Politicians of their Affectation

Affectation of the Religion of the Independents, a Sect, which he fays, once overturned the whole Eftablishment, civil and ecclefiaftic, and in the End ruined themselves. I fhould hardly be able to refrene from Laughter, at this mighty Mock-Politician, were I not attended with a moft melancholy Affociation of Ideas, upon reflecting, that the Lives and Liberties of mine unhappy Countrymen, are expofed to the Infolence, Ignorance or Caprice of this worthy Judge. How unfit, a Man, fo ignorant of Hiftory, as well as Law, fo inconverfant with thefe Papers, which he pretends to explane and judge, or, fo regardless of the unquestionable Truths they contain, must be to judge of them, or the Author, let any Man of common Senfe determine. Let Us now see what Re+ gard he pays the Constitution.

What can be more furprifing, than to fee a Gentle man, raised to the firft Bench of Juftice in a Britif Government, run retrograde to the Principles of the Common Law, on which our Frame of Government is founded, and lay hold on thofe of Civil Law, which never got Footing in these Kingdoms ? The fhameful Preference, which this learned and right honorable Gentleman gives the Principles of the Civil, or Imperial Law, to thofe of the Common, or Popular Law, is pretty evident from the recited Paffages of his Charge. That he is wilfully, or af fectedly, if not really, ignorant of the latter, and acts quite up to the former, when he treats of Government, will further appear from the following Confiderations.

In Monarchies, univerfally Principum Placita, the Civil or Imperial Law prevails, which, indeed, gives the Princes, the Powers and Sanctions, for which our Civil Justice here contends: For there, their Kings are abfolute Sovereigns, and clame an indefeafable hereditary Right to the Crown. Every Monarch is, not onely, exempt from Law, but above all Laws; being, not onely, an abfolute and irrefiftable Legiflator in himself, but the fole Explaner, as well as Proprietor and Executioner of the Laws. In short, a Monarch is a King, poffeffed of abfolute, unlimited, arbitrary Power; a Man, whofe Will is Law.

Now, compare this Definition of Monarchy, the Truth of which, his Lordship will not prefume to deny, with that of the Regal Office in Great-Britain, and fee whe ther they bear any, and what Analogy to each other.

Our GOVERNMENT is declared and confeffed, by the greatest of our Lawyers, Legiflators and Kings, to be a Common-Wealth, not a Monarchy. We are not to judge

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of the Power or Prerogative of our Crown, by any Thing, clamed or poffeffed in abfolute Monarchies, under the Civil Law; a Syftem of Government, which never yet fubfifted in Great-Britain, or Ireland. Our Government may, with equal Propriety, be called, a Democracy, or an Aristocracy, as a Monarchy: It is truly, a mixed Government, composed of each of thefe Forms; and has more of the true Republic, in its Composition, than any of those, that now bear the Name of Republic. Yet, the Head of this, our Common-Wealth, the KING, is endowed with all the Honor and Dignity, and all the Power, Authority, and Privilege, neceffary to support that Honor and Dignity, and confiftent with the ENDS of the Inftitution, the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, which ftand upon as firm a Bafis as the Prerogative of the Crown. Our King neither poffeffes nor clames a Power or Prerogative, that he does not derive from the Laws; of which, he is therefore the Creature, not the Creator or Proprietor, as fome former flattering Judges, as well as our Irish Chief Juftice, would infinuate.

The KING of this FREE KINGDOM, is invefted with a general executive Power. But, it is confeffedly, derivative and fiduciary, in no Sort, folely, legislative, much lefs, arbitrary or unlimited. How then are we to look upon this fupreme Magiftrate, in the Chief Justice's Light, as the fovereign Owner or Proprietor of the Laws, when the Laws are as much the Property, the indefeafable BIRTH-RIGHT of the meanest Subject, as they are of the most potent Prince? and when the Prince is as much bound by the directive, as the Subject, by the coerfrue Power of the Laws?

It is not very difficult to point out, among the Kings of Britain, one, who acceded to the Throne, by as good a Titule, as any of his Predeceffors or Succeffors could boaft. His Power was, as well, as absolutely established, and his Perfon deemed as facred, as his fondeft Minions, or Sycophants, or the most fervile of his Judges, could fuggeft; and his Regne commenced with as great an Eclat, and as fair a Profpect of general Happiness, as could well have been wifhed. How happy had it been for this unfortunate Prince, that he had had no falfe or wicked Counsellors about him; no flavish and corrupt Judges to poifon his Ear with monarchical Notions; none infiduous and iniquitous Minifters, as ready to prompt, as to execute arbitrary Meafures of Adminiftration, agreable, indeed, to our Irish Chief Justice's Principles, but diametrically the Reverse of thofe of our Conftitution? This King wanted not an Herbert, an Allibone, a Jefferies,

or even a Marlay to advise him; that as King of Britain, be was an abfolute Monarch; that the Laws of Britain, were the King's Laws; that the King was above the Laws, having Power to difpenfe with all Laws, thofe touching Government and the Prerogative Royal, more especially, and that his Perfon was abfolutely facred and inviolable, as his Right to the Crown, was a divine Right, hereditary and indefeafable. But how long did thefe Parafites maintain these Civil-Law Pofitions? Juft long enough to undo their unhappy, duped Prince: For, they had no fooner wound him up to this Pitch, and he had fet out upon these Principles, which, if not layed down, were yet authorised, or approved, by his learned and faithful Judges, than he, too late found, he was not fo abfolute a Monarch, nor fo abfolutely facred in his Perfon, as they had made him believe. He then faw, that he was but a King by Compact, with a FREE PEOPLE, whom he was bound to govern by their Laws, not by his Will; that he was bound to obferve and execute the Laws, and to protect the Lives, Liberties and Properties of the Subject, as the Laws directed; that when he had ran counter to, or neglected, this Part of his Duty to his Subjects, the very End of the Inftitution of his Office, he broke and diffolved the most facred Compact between him and his People, and, by fo doing, abfolved the People from their Allegiance, and, of Course, that he had, to all Intents and Purposes, degraded himself, Stripped and divested himself of the Majefty of the People, which they gave up to adorn him, as their Head, and fo forfeited the Power, Crown, and Dignity, which he derived from, and held in Trust for, the Community; which Community, as an Example to all future Kings, cut off this their late mighty Monarch, and his no lefs facred Confort and Family, and gave them Time and Leifure to repent of having fet up monarchical Meafures of Government, in free Countries, or to improve their political Principles, by leting them fee the fweet Effects of defpotic Power, in a beggarly Exile, in inflaved Countries.- Was this, at any Time, lawful and right, agreable to the Conftitution of Britain?

And, muft it not hold always equally fo, in the like Emergency? Yet, was not this, as much a facred Monarch, and, was not his Perfon, as inviolable, as that of any of our Kings? I suppose, our capital Juftice, notwithstanding his exorbitant Luft for arbitrary Power, will hardly prefume to answer these Questions in the Negative, with, or without, that smooth Smile, that ufually difguifes his real Countenance.

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