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to prove any of their foul Imputations; was to be stigmatised with every odious Mark, and for ever kept out of the Government; when the Worst of his Crimes, upon due Examination, appeared in fact to be no more than a ftrict Attention to the extending the Power and Influence of him, to whom he owed all he possessed, and for that Purpose, exercising it, as far as poflible in the Absence of his Principal ; permitting his late Coadjutor, the Speaker, to share as little as may be of the Authority or Emoluments of the Office. . This abused Man was foremoft in my Persecution. I cannot be supposed Partial to him. I cannot be his Friend. But, I cannot do even an Enemy Injustice ; nor see him sufferWrong, without Pain.
And a fourth was to be called to a most strict Account, for paying Money out of the Treasury, a facred Fund, not appropriated to any particular Purpose, without the Authority of Parlement. And many more Grievances were most loudly complained of, with solemn Alfurances of parlementary Redress,
Libertas e Natale Solum, was the Motto of a great Man's Arms, whose Memory is gibbetted to perpetual Infamy, by the immortal Swift. Liberty and Patriotism are of all others the Masques, under which Men can most effectually, most fatally wound the credulous Community. Had I lived in Peace and Safety in Ireland, I confess, I might have been taken in by such Declarations, as were openly, universally made by these new raised Patriots. They were enough to deceive the very Elect. But, as a scalded Cat ever after dreads cold Water, I could not, at a Distance especially, repose much Confidence in the Party ; though towards the latter End, I sometimes layed aside my Suspicion, and found myself inclined to believe and hope, they were in earnest, as far as I thought them in the Right. Some I am sure were both. How the Multitude stood, judge from the Se.. quel,
Had my Papers been permitted to come before you, when I presented them; you would have been able to see how these Matters stood ; you must have learned the true State of the Case of Ireland, and have been able to judge how far you were interested in them. Had an Earthquake overwhelmed the Capital, which of you would not have been shocked at the Recital? - Had a raging Pestilence arose, and swept off Multitudes of the
Inhabitants of that Kingdom ; which of you could have fept fupinely in his Bed? Or, if á foregne Enemy had invaded and ransacked the Country, or some evil Spirit Airred up a Rebellion there, and overturned the establifhed System of civil Government; is there among you a Sot fo infenfible, as not to be alarmed ? I must not ; unless you Convince me of the Contrary. Think then is any of these an Evil fo dreadful, as the overturning the civil Conftitution ?
If this should by any Means be effected, or onely in danger of being done; who that deserves the Name of Briton, could be so flothful as to sit fill unconcerned !--I hope the Breath of such à Slave does not contaminate our free, wholesome Air ! And for my Part, I lould think myself unworthy of the Bleffings, I enjoy in this Land of Liberty, did I withold my Thoughts from you upon this interesting Occafion. Apply them as your honeft Hearts direct. I must be forgiven, if to eafé mine own Breast I deliver my Sentiments.
Now, permit me, for my private Vindication, to récapitulate the principal Proceedings of this long-lived, this perennial Parlement in Ireland, in order to thew the true Weight of their Censure, as well as the Danger of letting a People under the fame Crown, and common Form of Government with us, degenerate into Slavery.
In 1749, the mighty Managers, 'the Undertakers of Ireland, the very Men, that lately affumed the Sacred, though abufed, Name of Patriots; persecuted the Author of these Papers for asserting the Rights and Liberties of the People, and the Privilege and Power of Parlements ; in fhort, for vindicating the political Constitution of that Country, as well as of this ; condemned him without Evidence and unheared; declared him an Enemy to his Country; in order to prevent his Election, which they knew could by none other Mearis be obftructed. And ordered him to clofe Confinement in a common Goal; and afterwards gave him up to rigorous Profecution under merciless, not to say, lawless Judges, in an inferior Court, which was not to be prefumed to dare to differ in Judgment from the fuperior Tribunal, where he was already, though without Trial, condemned.
The fame Seffion, they voted Mr. Digges La Touche unduly elected, who was elected upon the same Interest, that would have returned the Author, by a considerable Majority of unquestionable and indeed unquestioned Voices ; in order to make Room for a Petitioner, who was so far
from being able to prove any of the Allegations of his Petition true, that every one of them was generally known and partly proved the diametrical Reverse, by the very Evidence of the Petitioner. The zealous Citizens honored the Minority in this interesting Question, with Gold Medals.
So far did the House adopt and persevere in the Sentiments of their worthy Agent and Member, Sir Richard Cox; to wit, that Ireland had no political Constitution, but the Will of the Minister, to which the Parlement and People were bound to pay implicit Observance; that, in 1751, they palfively, if not voluntarily, received the Dictates of the Miniftry, inserted in the Recital of a Bill, setting forth the previous Congè or Consent of the Crown to frame and pass such a Bill, in the Preamble, before any of the enacting Clauses. And therefore thus facitly agreed to give up the People's Right to the surplus Money in the Treasury; acknowleged it to be in the Crown alone ; suffered the essential Form of an Ad of Parlement to be altered, and agreed to register the Dictates or Edicts of the Minister ! What Parricides could have gone further ? If all this
were right, I must have deserved the Condemnation, passed on me and now not onely recorded, but published in the printed Journals of the House of Commons; who arserted the contrary alone to be lawful and just, in the Papers by the Parlement condemned, and suppressed by your Magiftrates. But, before the next Seflion, mine Accusers changed their Judgments, and in fact acquitted me; in effect, though undefignedly, repealed their iniquitous Sentences paffed upon me, by embracing my political Doctrines, by rebuilding upon the Plan, the very Foundation
of the Build ing I had layed; which before, the Goths had ruined. If the Parlement of Ireland was not a free and competent Legislature for that Kingdom, as I asserted, by what Authority did they presume to oppose the Ministry, even under the Sanction of the sacred Name of Majesty? If they had no political Constitution, but the will of the Minister, as Cox set forth, which Heaven for Britain's Sake forbid ! why thould the Commons presume to censure a Servant of the Crown, in 1753; to expel him the House, though as much as poffible protected by the Minister? Why dare to reject a new constructed Bill, framed or dictated to them by the Ministry, under the reputed Sanction of the previous Consent of the Crown, especially after they had passed it in the identical Words, the preceding Seffion? Why threaten the Impeachment of a very great Minister? The Censure and Expulsion of his Son? Why universally receive D
Compliments and Congratulations for their Patriot Spirit, and their just Opposition to detested Measures ? Why pocket the second set of Gold Medals presented by the mistaken, bigotted Citizens ? And lastly, if they have no Power or Authority, but what they derive from the Will of the Minifter; why have they this Seflion ftipulated for the Exclusion of a Vice-Minister from the Government? And for the Restoration of the vacated Places or withdrawn Pensions of the late Chiefs and their Agents, or proper Equivalents for their Losies under the late Administration? And above all, if they have no parlementary Power, why have they all gained what they severally contended for, their private Ends, Places, Pensions, Reversions, Precedence, Preaudience, &c. &c. to the total Suppression of all Complaints against every Part of the late Administration, which they before so industriously blackened and so clamorously threatened ? --Are these Things fo?- And do they not demand the Attention of Britons - Who would not rather fee any part of the Britis Dominions possessed by a foregne Enemy, than enslaved under the Color of British Laws?
These Matters do or they do not deserve the Attention of the Citizens of the Metropolis of Britain. Who shall judge whether or not? You are in your Sphere a Body politic, constituted much upon the same Principles with that of the great Body politic of the Nation. However wife, however excellent the Head or first Eftate in our national Government, he is not intrusted to judge for the other Eftates, though he be impowered to execute the whole System of Laws agreed to by the two other Eftates. The same Rule of Reason and of Law binds alike the Small and the Great.
Hence, judge by what Authority, several succeffive chief Magiftrates of London took upon them to judge for the whole Community and to reject and suppress, as much as in them lay, a Book addressed and dedicated, as well to every individual Member, that composes the Council and the Corporation of the City, as to the Head.
Give me Leave to inform you of the Manner of attempting to deliver this work to your Community and the Persons to whom 1 delivered it. Perhaps I was wrong and gave it into improper Hands; for so the Event would seem to argue.
Before I went Abroad, the Book not being then printed, I waited upon the Lord Mayor in the Year 1750, upon the I7th of March, and presented him with a manuscript Copy of the following dedicatory Address. He received me with Politeness and Hospitality, and gave me to understand, he would lay it before the City.
I directed a Friend, as soon the Book should be published,
By this Time, that Magistrate had read the Manuscript,
Upon my Return, I waited on this Gentleman, assured
At the fame Time, the then Sheriffs were attended and
The other, with Respect and Gratitude, let me ever re-
When the Book was thus returned by the late Lord Mayor,