of Cashel (d. 908), who knew Danish, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew as well as Gaelic, left worthy successors in Clonmacnois, Armagh and Monasterboice; and the Irish monks of the twelfth century spread to Ratisbon, Würzburg, Nuremberg, Constanz, Vienna, Eichstädt. But a different story was now heard from the time when the monks of Lindisfarne "looked for their ecclesiastical tradition, not to Rome, but to Ireland; and quoted for their guidance the instructions, not of Gregory, but of Columba." (Green.) Anselm and Lanfranc at Bec represent the birth of a new power in Europe. The power of Rome was working with and through feudalism. From St. Bernard (visited in 1139 by St. Malachy at Clairvaux), we find the disparaging estimate in which the ancient Irish Church is already held. It is "outside" and weak. Abuses in morality and discipline are insisted upon, but especially abuses, barbarisms, which indicate its isolation and independence. Synods in 1158 and 1162 precede the Synod of Cashel, which marks the crushing subordination of the Irish Church to the Normans. Meanwhile, up to that feudal triumph, the early Irish Romanesque architecture, the sculpture of great crosses, the illumination of manuscripts and such beautiful work as the Ardagh chalice

and the cross of Cong, were thriving under ecclesiastical influence. After the Normans the church ceased to be free, and these creative impulses dried at the source.

.

Dermot MacMurrough, King of Leinster, is the human link between Ireland and the Normans, but before telling Dermot's story one must first glance at the geography of Leinster. "The whole spirit and policy of Leinster," as G. A. J. Cole so admirably explains, "were dominated by the great chain of granite, eighty miles in length, that served as a natural fortress, approached only by narrow lateral glens. The rocky walls of these valleys, with their wooded clefts, provided ambushes that told strong in defense.” (“Ireland the Outpost," p. 45.) This chain of Leinster mountains, facing the southeastern approaches to Dublin and the wooded plains, was to mean much in Irish history from the beginning up to 1550, or from the age of iron to the age of gunpowder. Unlike the chiefs of the cow country, the Leinster chiefs could take the aggressive. On the defensive they were virtually impregnable. The military road of 1798 is a testimony to the importance of holding "the barrier of Leinster." It is equally a testimony to the initial advantages of Dermot MacMurrough in being able to force his enemies to bite on granite.

4

Dermot collected enemies. The dominant man in Leinster, he made life unpleasant for his compatriots in the plains by his "grievous and intolerable manner.” In 1152, during the absence of O'Ruarc of Meath, he eloped with the elderly Devorgilla, O'Ruarc's wife. This episode apparently closed with Devorgilla's return to her husband, but by 1166 Dermot had become so detested that he was dispossessed of his territory and forced to leave the country. He thereupon made his way to Aquitaine to enlist Henry II.

"Now Dermot was a man tall of stature and stout of frame; a soldier whose heart was in the fray, and held valiant among his own nation. From often shouting his battle-cry, his voice had become hoarse. A man who liked better to be feared by all than loved by any," so the inimitable Gerald de Barri, who came to Ireland with the Normans.

Henry, as we shall see later, had a trump up his sleeve in the game for Ireland, but he was not ready to play. Very busy, as usual, he had little time for Dermot. "He received him kindly and graciously enough," but despatched him to England, saying: "We have taken Dermot, Prince of the men of Leinster, into

the bosom of our grace and good will. Wherefore, too, whosoever within the bounds of our dominions shall be

willing to lend aid to him, as being our vassal and liegeman, in the recovery of his own, let him know that he hath our favor and permission to that end."

The grandiose manner was already in vogue.

But

at Bristol Dermot had to find the lads who would do business. He began by making a splash with Henry's money. He "made liberal offers both of land and money to many persons, but without effect." At last, however, he met his man. Richard FitzGilbert de Clare, son of Strongbow and himself called Strongbow, came to see the big, tough Irishman. What would Dermot put up? Dermot said, my eldest daughter, Eva (Aoife) and succession to the kingdom! Knowing nothing of Irish succession, this offer tempted Strongbow, but first he let a few of the lesser fellows under Robert FitzStephen go over in 1169 to try it out. And with them he took the precaution of sending his lanky uncle, Hervey de Montmaurice, "a man of broken fortunes, without equipment or money; not so much to take a part in the fighting as to act as a spy for" him.

5

Landing near Wexford with 300 Welsh archers in May, 1169, FitzStephen and his followers promptly went against the Ostmen or Northmen in the walled town of Wexford. The Northmen repulsed them hardily, but on a Sunday morning sent out two bishops and some citizens to find out what was behind the