he defends it. He points out that "the purchase of that parliament was habitual and invariable." Was it not better, he asks with Castlereagh, once and for all to end it, than "to go on in the vile old way, hiring, haggling, jobbing, from one dirty day to another, from one miserable year to another?"

To transplant the legislature to England, rather than to transplant the executive to Ireland, was the masterly statesmanship of the Union. Rosebery explains it and excused it as a war measure. Napoleon threatened England. How was England to know that Ireland was "loyal?" No matter how loyal Anglo-Ireland might seem, the ghost of the conquered nation could at any moment arise. To England's statesmen “struggling in a great war, unity and simplicity of government were everything." Thus Pitt enforced on England and on a preoccupied British legislature the task of handling Ireland not as a partner-nation, but as a subject-nation. Pitt consecrated this imperial idea of Ireland a subject-nation, to be ruled in whatever way suited the game of British politics, working especially on the class and religious dissensions in Ireland.

This masterpiece of political genius was concocted under the influence of profound English snobbishness.

It not only ignored the commercial interests of AngloIreland, which had thrived under the parliament. It also patronized the Anglo-Irish and despised the native Irish. This condescension was, however, soon to be converted into bitter race animosity, under the provocative personality of Daniel O'Connell.

4

The act itself went into effect January 1, 1801. It united Great Britain and Ireland "for ever" as the United Kingdom; gave Ireland thirty-two peers in the house of lords, four of them churchmen and twenty-eight of them elected for life by all the Irish peers; fixed one hundred members as Ireland's permanent representation in the house of commons; solemnly and fundamentally joined the Irish Protestant Church with the English as "the Established Church of England and Ireland"; arranged a customs union; decided that Ireland contribute two-seventeenths of the common expenditure; that any excess of revenue should be applied on Ireland's national debt; that if Ireland's debt became as great as two-seventeenths of the English, the exchequers could be amalgamated and taxation

made equal, subject to whatever remission Ireland's case required.

The Irish viceroy remained, with the separate exchequer, separate judiciary, and separate administration,

The administration continued to be definitely alienated from the native Irish all through the nineteenth century.

In 1802 Lord Redesdale, chancellor at £10,000 a year, declared that Ireland must be kept as a "garrisoned country." The administration became the "garrison." Of the viceroys, chief secretaries, and under-secretaries up to 1906, five out of 157 were Catholic and "about sixteen only in touch with Irish public opinion." So said Barry O'Brien in his detailed book on Dublin Castle. When he wrote in 1909, three of the seventeen high court judges, eight of the twentyone county court judges, five of the thirty-seven county inspectors of the police, sixty-two of the 202 district inspectors, 1805 of the 5518 ordinary justices of the peace, and eight of the sixty-eight privy councilors were Catholic Irish. The rest were "garrison." However "well-meaning" the British Government became, it never became so well-meaning as to allow the native

and nationalist Irish to have an influential share in their own Government.

5

In the first somber years of the Union there came a flaming epilogue to 1798. Among the many Dublin professional men-Whitley Stokes, McNevin, Dowdall —who were devoted to Ireland, no family was so spirited as Dr. Emmet's. He was state physician to the viceregal court, of English and Cromwellian stock, a man of swinging, original mind, who kept his household in Stephen's Green in a ferment of unconventional discussion. His able son Thomas Addis Emmet had been imprisoned in Scotland since 1798, but had been allowed to go to the Continent after peace was declared in 1801. Robert Emmet, born in 1778, entered Trinity College early. He was a warm friend of Thomas Moore, to whose cherubic appearance his own lean, dry, wiry person, with his pock-marked face, was in great contrast. It was typical of Trinity that in 1798 the Earl of Clare should have held an inquisition to rout out the United Irishmen—and typical of Robert Emmet that his protest brought his dismissal.

It was in this period that Moore wrote "Let Erin Remember the Days of Old," sung to an old Irish air

which made young Emmet cry: "Oh that I were at the head of twenty thousand men marching to that air!"

In 1801 he went to Paris, meeting his brother later

in Brussels. There was talk of help in August, 1803. For three months, at the head of a small but absolutely reliable organization, he worked to collect men and munitions for a sudden movement to seize Dublin Castle, thus to paralyze the Government and to await a general