No thanks to the old conserva

lished Church, is beginning to be removed. The
scenes of robbery which have been transacted
behind it, under the pretence of earnest solici-
tude for the welfare of the country, are being
daily revealed; and the numerous characters,
archbishops, bishops, and all the unmentionable
subordinates that figure in them, must feel no

surprise if they should be classed among the

worshippers of Mammon.

tives, we again repeat.
And suppose the suffrage conceded, Corn-
Laws abolished, Game-Laws, and all that class,
what then? Will heaven have begun upon
earth? Most likely not. Human nature re-
mains the same, and there seems every proba-creasing knowledge, and increasing capacity for
bility that the best we can do will leave quite it, be satisfied with the food offered by an un-
work enough for our children. We solve no substantial establishment.
mysteries, and have no eye of that kind for the
future.

Why then all this pains, since we may not ourselves reap the fruit? In the first place, we cannot live as we used to do. Less work to do in the shop leaves more time to be stirring in the field. So far the aristocracy have clearly brought us out to their overthrow. They did not mean exactly that, but it comes to that. Then secondly, we think there is some chance of even ourselves, and a certainty of our children becoming better able to live than at present, should our conflict in the field succeed; and, thirdly, we have the feelings of men, we love order and right, we hate injury and corruption. It is a pleasure to see the right conquer. It is a thing worth living, aye and fighting for, if necessary, and may be there is some duty in the case: none of us would fight for himself alone, better lie down in peace and die. We are all brothers surely, and would have the strong help the weak. We are not mere beasts of burden, even though the burden be our own. Money is not to be hoarded merely, but rendered useful to comfort others also; and in this manner, good masters, by the help of him who made us, we follow the best dictates of our nature, in opposing your oppressive authority. You will find, moreover, in the end, that reform will grow too wise for you. You cannot then tempt your incendiary fires, he will not light them; nor call together your riotous mobs, he will teach them better; nor even provoke him in any way, but mildly, yet fearfully, he will dethrone your might, and set up the right instead.

THE PROGRESS OF DISSENT.

Mighty changes are at present observable alike in the church and state, all Howing from one source, freedom of thought. The day is quickly passing in which one miud can be inade the hireling of another. The theory that servitude of mind and spirit is inseparable from the natural dependency of man on man, is being fast exploded. Men are discovering that liberty, uncompromised liberty of thought, is perfectly compatible with all the relationships of life: that a servant is worthy of his hire, though he think not as his master, either in matters of politics or religion. He has begun to feel that he too is a man worthy of the same righ's and liberties as another. We hail the day when thinking by proxy is becoming unfashionable; when coercion of thought is no longer practicable. It is the harbinger of happier times.

When the mind of a whole nation is alive, error cannot long remain unmasked. A mightier lever is brought to bear against it. Whether it stand apart, or is artfully interwoven with truth, the scrutiny of the many will detect and expose

it.

|

OBJECTIONS TO THE ANTI-STATE-
CHURCH MOVEMENT ANSWERED.

the state.

A Meeting of the friends of the Evangelical Voluntary Church Association, was held on the 25th, of November, in the Congregational Library, London; E. Swaine, Esq., a well-known advocate of religious What has for ages been deemed solemnity liberty, in the chair. It appears that the will at length be thought solemn mockery, and Rev. H. Townley was desirous, on that the grand and imposing, instead of the real and occasion, of stating certain objections that unpretending, will not long suffice. The body he entertained to "a combined and agcannot feed on air, nor will the mind with in-gressive movement for the great purpose of effecting a separation of the church from Not having the opportunity, however, he gave them to the public in a letter to the editor of the Patriot, Dec, 2nd. This brought, as we think, a full and satisfactory answer from the chairman of the meeting referred to, in the following Monday's Patriot. We deem it of importance to lay before our readers the substance of this reply: as the objections are, doubtless, similar to those entertained by many influential dissenters: and we think, with Mr. Swaine, that "whatever may dispel needless distrust" of the "rationality, temper, and paramount concern for the higher interests of religion" of those who have favoured the movement, should be placed prominently before the public.

That there is a determination to uphold dissent among those who have embraced its principles, and a gravitation towards it among many who have hitherto stood avowedly aloof from it, is a fact which few will deny. The late secession in Scotland of upwards of five hundrel ministers, and the beneficence with which they have been since supported by their respective congregations, tell an unequivocal tale. It shows the omnipotence of voluntaryism. It gives the lie to the prophecy of the establishmentarian. It has demonstrated that religion does not perish when unsupported by the state, but, on the other hand, that it flourishes better apart. It has told us that state support means state opression. That a state religion has more of state in it than religion.

Objection 1. "It powerfully tends to keep members of the Establishment from attending our sanctuaries. The kind and conciliatory mode is that which attracts and retains. Fishermen must not so splash the water as to scare away the fish."

Here two things are assumed. First, that members of the Establishment are more likely to be gained to Christ and the cause of treedom by the comparative abeyance of dissenting views, than by the vigorous diffusion of them which may be secured by combination.

But not alone is the establishment of Scotland suffering from the dissent of its most worthy Mr. Townley's specific objections to such men; the infection has entered into the church of England. And, once begun, who shall pre- them, however, as Mr. Swaine observes, a movement, are as follow. Every one of sume to prescribe the limits of its ravages? It will spread, though never-ceasing thunders roll" lying as truly against the most unexfrom the episcopal chair. The Reformation was ceptionable combined movement, if not not stopped by the fulminations of the Vatican; so strongly, as against the most doubtful." nor will dissent regard still louder threats. The present agitation of the church of England will lead its adherents to examine its nature, and the grounds upon which it claims state support. This examination if conducted with a proper spirit, cannot fail to produce a good effect. The arguments for dissent will begin to assume a more plausible appearance. Plausibility will ripen into probability, and probability into certainty. The suffrages of conscience will first be gained, and then the prejudices and associations which bind to the establishment its supporters will gradually wear away. The scorn with which dissent was once regarded, has already changed to fear. We may hold in derision an enemy while he is weak; but let his strength come, and we begin to tremble. The dissenters are not a weak body. They are powerful both in learning and in number. Their progress even now is terrible to the prelates, some of whom are attempting to build around the establishment still stronger bulwarks. Their only safety lies in compelling their subordinates to relinquish their present proximity to the dis. senters, by forcing them to assent to the Articles of the Rubric interpreted after the Puseyite fashion. But this attempt to coerce belief, we trust has come too late. It is loudly declaimed against already, and if pressed, will meet with stout and determined resistance. There are doubtless men in the church too noble to yield their principles to the dictum of any bishop; men who will dissent rather than compromise. The precise results of this movement it may be impossible to foresee, but its influence upon both the establishment and dissent-destructive the one, to the other stimulating and favour

Already we observe the effects of a more gen-able - must eventually prove incalculable. eral activity of thought. The veil which has so long screened from vulgar gaze, as if a sacred and a holy thing, the real nature of the Estab

I think quite the reverse, and that if some churchmen may be gained through the quiet system that allows them to think their views of Christ's kingdom are unimportant in dissenting estimation, more will be gained by an organised and widely extended effort to disseminate right opinions, and to enlarge the sphere, and accredit the habit, of popular thinking. If Mr. Townley will allow me to employ his figure, there are other modes of catching fish than by the careful avoidance of a "splash." The rippled tide bears wholesome fish to the net, while in a "Dead Sea" bad fish multiply. Besides, there are fish to save, as well as fish to catch. There are fish of prey, and in those favoured piscatories where they especially abound, there are shoals of victimis. Fierce bigotry and wily Puseyism; devouring error and benumbing formalism; battened and protected within the legislative dam; are improving their position of quiet power to worry and destroy. Are these the times to fear a "splash:" [ wot not. We have more to fear from devastation on the helpless and deluded fry than we have to hope from those church nibblers at truth, whose principle is so much less potent than their fears or prejudices, that they can be

scared from enquiry so soon. Secondly, the objection assumes that an earnest and combined movement against the establishment principle must involve something not "kind and conciliatory." Why should this be assumed? It is kind to pluck living brands from the burning, and conciliatory, too, of whatever should be conciliated. So, if the state-church system is a national wrong, to say so is kind and wise. For my own part I would repudiate every spirit that may not claim holy fellowship with love. If any manifest another spirit, the fault is theirs; the individuals, not that of the "movement," with which it bas no legitimate or necessary connection.

2. "Undesirable, because it aggravates bostility and persecution against seceders; especially in rural districts. It furnishes the clergy with their most powerful argument by which to induce their parishioners to do nothing, directly or indirectly which would benefit dissent, but to do all in their power to counteract it."

end in another kind of conflict, we must con-
solidate our strength, and so organise what-
ever of it we may have, that its compact
array or skilful deploying may deter or coun
teract the force of tyranny or persecution.
When was persecution more hot than when
the few sheep were in the wilderness of early
Nonconformity, and the Laudsand Jeffreys
sat on high? We are much more in danger
of betraying the rural districts by defect than
by excess of vigour in opposing the rampant
arrogance which so extensively prevails. Ex-
eter is resisted, and our principles triumph;
the consequence is, that multitudes will be
free who before were in tondage. The eman-
cipation in this case, came not from us, but it
came from our principles, and it bids us go
forward

6. "The movement requires a great outlay
of thought and feeling, and of time and ac-
tion, as well as of funds; which, expended in
direct efforts to redeem the immense mass of
perishing sinners by whom we are surrounded,
would be productive of great and immediate
good, and help to raise dissenters in the public
estimation."

To expose any one recklessly or needlessly, to persecution or disadvantage, is culpable; but we are not always to forbear the active This objection (supposing the movement to propagation of truth because it may awake be good in itself, as the objection for argu. the wrath and malice of man; and the objec- ment's sake assumes) is one that might as tion supposes that very conflict of princi- well be brought against any combination for ples which the friends of combined effort sup- any object not deemed of paramount imporpose to be desirable. They desire not that tance to any other, and is, therefore, of no poor Nonconformists in our rural districts force unless so pressed as to condemn, as should suffer, but they do desire that those wasteful expenditure, all outlay and organiusually dark places of the earth should hear zation and effort, except for the direct preachthe voice of Christian manhood, "to the wording of Christ. If so pressed, who would enterand to the testimony;" "whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you, more than unto God, judge ye!" "We ought to obey God rather than men.”

4. "It leads the Government to look with increased disfavour upon seceders from the Establishment, and strengthens the disinclination of ministers of state and members of parliament to listen to their well-grounded

claims."

I see nothing in this to deprecate, provided the disfavour be not justified by a wrong course on our part. Nonconformists will be none the weaker for government and ministerial disfavour in this country, if they do not justify contempt. If their doctrines are sound, and will bear the test of true statesmanship, they will never do this. The objection speaks for the movement, because it truly indicates, that so long as dissent is a feeble, creeping thing, that cannot confide in popular support, it must be content to sue for the petty alms of "redress of grievances," and carry its com plaints to senators who have small sympathy with it, and whom it cannot command. The objection is a good argument for a movement and organization that may permeate society at large, with sound opinions on the duty of the state in reference to religion, that so, at length, government and ministers of state, and members of parliament, may be unable to resist the claims of truth.

5. "It tends to produce a consolidation of establishment, feeling and action, injurious not only to the interests of Nonconformity, but of Christianity itself; inasmuch as the cause of evangelical dissenters, and that of evangelical religion, are inseparably connected."

To this, it may be answered, we can scarcely induce a greater consolidation of Establishment feeling and action against us, than we had to encounter before we took to consolidation ourselves. It is because of the phalanx arrayed against us, that we should unite to overthrow it. The predicted war of opinion has arrived. If we would not have it

BY REV. W. STOKES, OF BIRMINGHAM. On Tuesday, December 17, an eloquent and impressive lecture in favour of peace principles, was delivered in the Baptist Chapel, Collegestreet, Northampton.

The lecturer commenced by stating the ground taken by the Peace Society, namely, that war under any circumstances, and on any conceivable condition, is not only impolitic, but unscriptural and unjust.

This position the lecturer said bad never been successfully assailed, by the advocates of war. They had failed to adduce any satisfactory argument in favour of their theory either from reason or scripture.

At all events, it could not be denied, that the question wis one of the highest importance. The subject was not sectarian. It was not one which bore simply upon the interests of any particular party. It involved rather the interests, and affected the happiness of all men and all nations.

Nor was it necessarily a political question. It was not the wish of members of that society to make it so. If it were so, it was on account of the improper policy of governments; and if it should in 'consequence of this assume such an aspect, they could not help it. They should not on that account avoid laying the train to the iniquitous system, and with nerved arm applying the match, explode what would. It was not a subject limited in importance by time. It did not affect the condition of man in any one particular age. If their object could be accomplished, taiu it? There are different gifts, and diver- all future generations would be benefited by the sities of operations upon human minds. The event. It reached an elevation the most comredemption of the soul is precious, most pre-manding, whence, poised as upon eagle's pinions, cious; yet religious liberty is precious. If it looked forth in mercy upon all nations and men will co-operate for its advancement, generations of men. surely they do well. However imperative their duty to co-operate for higher objects, they are indirectly furthering the progress of the gospel, promoting it according to their tendencies and means, mental and otherwise. 7. "Success by means of the movement, even if obtained, would have great alloy con nected with it; its companion would be a deeply-seated and long-continued grudge in the hearts of the Episcopalians against those by whom, in this aggressive manner, they had been disestablished, whereby union among believers would be considerably retarded."

This supposes the end accomplished.---| Blessed consummation! Oh! that the happy day were come! What does the objection assume, but a time when the state church has been disestablished; disestablished, of course, by just and moral means? for the movement contemplates no other. Where then is the objection? It is wherever may now exist the objections to all the righteous acts that mistaken men, in any age or country have in vain resisted. There they are, and there, for what they are worth, let them be. But I linger with delight, as I imagine the diminished and untaloned grudge, the expiring discord, the wakening harmony of that, even yet, early day, when the legislature, expressing popular opinion, shall have just pronounced the righteous fiat, and "the Church," no longer be the battle-cry of bigotry, and pride and lucre, and piety's excuse for sepa

ration.

[After having thus disposed of Mr. Townley's objectious, Mr. Swaine proceeds to discuss "the policy which the excellent objector recommends." Press of matter compels us to defer his remarks on this branch of the subject until next month.-ED.]

He then proceeded to proceeded to show that war was at variance with reason. Whatever in human actions was not conformable to reason, was unworthy of man. But in war the dominion of reason was set aside, brute force took its place. Might and not right determined the issue of the contest. In domestic life, in civilised communities, it was right and honourable to appeal to reason; it was accounted disgraceful for any one to reject its decisions, and appeal to physical force. Why should this not be a principle of action among nations? War was equally inimical to man's happiness. The happiness of man depended upon his rights being respected, his person and property protected, and freedom of commercial intercourse being kept up betwixt man and man, nation and nation. To all this, war was opposed. In war the sanctuary of home was violated, commerce was interrupted, the trading vessel could no longer go out with safety. In the course of the last wa: many commercial families had been ruined by these interruptions to trade. It was an evil of no small magnitude, when considered with reference to the resources of a nation, which it was its invariable tendency to waste and destroy, and render inadequate to the wants of the people. Our enormous national debt and the 15,000,000 a year it costs us for a peace establishment, were both referred to. It was not in harmony with the value of human life. How valuable was that life! What interests it involved, when man was viewed as an immortal being! How were we shocked at the unnecessary sacrifice of a single life? And in war human beings were swept by thousands and millions to the grave. The fields of Borodino and Waterloo were instances: and yet such contests as these raised the successful combatants to glory, and occasioned bell-ringing and illuminations.

The lecturer concluded by endeavouring to show that war was opposed to the letter and spirit both of the Deca

logue and the New Testament, and also the practice of the early Christians. The experience of the body of Friends was appealed to for the sufficiency of the principle of non-resistance, to secure general safety.

a good reputation, an accurate knowledge of
Irish character, a disinterested heart, an ar-
dent and devout longing for success,-which
took the forms of unwavering faith and un-
tiring activity: and what have been the re-
sults? Ireland is wonderfully improved, and
Father Matthew has become impoverished,

The lecture was heard evidently with great interest, and we believe made a good impression. It ought to have been addressed to a much larger-insolvent. audience.

At the same time we cannot help just adding, that we think it a pity after all, that the Peace Society is formed upon the abstract and very stringent principle of non-resistance under any conceivable circumstances; and that, not as a matter of expediency, but of absolute duty, of immutable obligation. We somewhat regret this, because we do not think the recognition of this principle essential to the existence of an efficiently worked Peace Society, and because we know that this is a sentiment which many good, humane, and public-spirited men cannot be brought to adopt, who must, therefore, be necessarily excluded from the ranks of the society, under its present constitution. Nor is this at all to be wondered at, for, take the principle upon whatever authority we will, whether of reason or scripture, it is encompassed with difficulties, which if a man cannot see, he is not, we think, remarkable for sagacity; and which if he can satisfactorily meet, he must be no contemptible logician.

TEMPERANCE-THE IRISH-AND

FATHER MATTHEW.

As far as national opinion has expressed itself, unanimity exists on one point, viz. that Father Matthew has been, and is, a great blessing to Ireland. Once a shrine of learning, often a theatre of valour, always a scene of great natural beauty, of late it has chiefly excited attention by its down-trodden and suffering condition. We may, perhaps, reverently deem it as selected by heaven to show to Protestant Christendom the utter insufficiency of mere acts of Parliament, represented by clergymen and soldiers, to make a people proselytes, or produce sobriety and contentment. And for these ends, the Romish priesthood has been almost as inefficient.

Love to their religion, has made the Irish people poor one way; political and religious despotism has done it in another. If absenteeism, and the agent and sub-letting systems have damaged the people, poverty and oppression, together, have driven them to low enjoyments; and amongst those gratifications, drinking has not been the least prominent. The sanguine and generous soul of the Irishman found alike enjoyment and expression in the practice of whiskey drinking. Hence no laws were hated more than those of excise. The gauger was detested, almost as a matter of conscience. Sociable and affectionate, they often met: excitable, the drink made them little less than demons. A nation is doubly cursed, when its oppressions are associated with self-debasement. It is a beautiful sight to see a people morally struggling for freedom; but it is a dreadful thing to look upon a people self-enslaved by any evil habit; especially by the habit of intoxication. Under such circumstances, Ireland was to be found a short time back. And if now the shrieks of murder and the brutality of Whiteboyism have not entirely ceased, Ireland has been much improved; and, under God, that improvement is chiefly to be attributed to the benevolence and unwearied zeal of the Rev. Theobald Matthew. Embracing abstinence principles, from a conviction that their general adoption would greatly alleviate the woes of his fellow-countrymen, be brought to the advocacy of those principles

and genius of Christianity are diametrically opposed to it; and here, I cannot help remarking, that the custom of many ministers of the gospel reading almost indiscriminately from their pulpits the historical books of the Old Testament, is, to say the least, extremely improper. And this applies with tenfold force to the Church of England, whose duty it is to read the whole Bible The world has, ere this, from ignorance or through once a year. Let me not be misunderthoughtlessness, permitted its benefactors to stood. I only mean to say, if the Old Testament die of want; and has afterwards reared monu- is read in this manner, it ought to be accompaments of honour to those whom it would not nied by an explanation of the different and supefeed. Father Matthew's entanglements, how-rior spirit of the gospel, and that the manners and ever, induced by extreme generosity, have customs of the Jews, can be no authority for mobeen laid before the public. Men blessed him, dern nations, simply, because none of these can before they knew of his distress; they bless, produce divine authority for their actions. pity, and help him now. His fame is well I cannot help also passing a censure upon earned; and given without solicitation. He many teachers of youth, of both sexes, for the toiled for man's good; and the good he did direct encouragement they tacitly give to warlike and does to others, flows back upon him. ideas, by putting into their hands those historical Peers and knights, mechanics and shopkeep- works that make war the leading topic. This ers, poets and priests, the political and the is certainly wrong, and in my mind deserv The whole intepious, those who abstain and those who drink;ing of the severest censure. rest of such works as Goldsmith's Histories of all poured in pecuniary aid to his more than exhausted pocket. He was checked, but not stopped, in his glorious career of good. To particularize individuals and places which have contributed, would be invidious. At the various public meetings which have been held, men of all denominations in religion, and of all shades of politics, have proclaimed his virtues, and rejoiced in his successes.

Incidentally and designedly has evidence been presented, whereby teetotallers have been cheered; and the conviction has been strengthened, that abstinence principles are making progress, not only amongst the working-classes, but also in the higher walks of life.

We may add, that while we rejoice that the Northampton Society forwarded some £7 or £8 to Father Matthew, we shall be glad to receive any contributions for him at our office.

CORRESPONDENCE.

To the Editor of The Citizen.

SIR, I am extremely glad your valuable little periodical has met with such favor as to induce you to make it more worthy of public patronage by enlarging its size. No town or county in the empire has more need of a public spirited "Advocate of Political, Religious, and Commercial Freedom," the friends of those principles having here no organ of any value; and I beg to say, Sir, that if those principles continue to be advocated in the Citizen with that degree of spirit and zeal which these eventful times demand, you will have no lack of readers and supporters. The whole civil and religious world is now agi. tated to its centre, and unless some bold and commanding spirit speedily arise, capable of controlling the discordant elements, nothing but anarchy can be expected to ensue. I trust the Citizen will do its duty, and contribute its full portion of talent and influence to enlighten the public mind upon the very important topics it has taken in hand.

Though not immediataly connected with the subject at the head of the Citizen, I am glad to learn that you intend occasionally to introduce other topics, especially those of TEMPERANCE, PEACE, and WAR. On the latter of these I beg to make a few remarks, by way of commencing the subject, feeling assured that when once introduced, it will find far abler pens than mine to unfold its diabolical horrors, and by this means, enlist the feelings of the community against such an infamous stain on Christian consistency. How any man that professes to be a follower of the Prince of Peace, can for a moment attempt to justify War, I cannot imagine. The whole scope

Rome and England centres in fighting. Battles, from Cæsar's first invasion to the crowning glory, as it is called, of Waterloo, are the only subjects of prominent interest in the English work. The condition of the masses of the people, their virtues or their vices, as well as the state of the industrial arts, are subjects in the historian's eye of infinitely less importance than the battles of Cressey and Agincourt, or those of the White and Red Roses. And what must be state of the moral perceptions of our youth, trained up by lessons of this sort? Simply, just what might be expected, a fondness for reading and seeing something of the "pomp and circumstance of war;" and until our preachers and teachers pay more attention than they have hitherto done to the sentiments they instil into the youthful mind, the same fondness will continue.

VARIETIES.

THE NEW TESTAMENT.-The "Book" is a direct transfer of human allegiance in things spiritual, from the civil and ecclesiastical powers to the judgment and conscience of the individual. With the New Testament in his hands, and a high, honest purpose in his heart, no man need ever be afraid of "heretic," "schismatic," "sedition monger," "babbler," "blasphemer," "pestilent fellow," and other missiles of the vocabulary of insolence dressed in authority. The gospel itself was once a heresy, a schism, a sedition, and a blasphemy, and would have been crushed in the cradle, if authority and hard words were arguments. The Christian religion is thus the "highest fact" in the philosophy of that highest of human rights— liberty of prophesying. -Tait's Magazine, December.

There is nothing more unreasonable, more inconsistent with the rights of human nature, more contrary to the spirit and precepts of the Christian religion, than persecution for opinion.-Lord Mansfield.

By excluding the people, the principle of government is lost as to them; for in truth, they cease to be a part of the state. They are no longer citizens; and to preserve the constitution, therefore, we must continue to the people that share in the government which was first intended

for them. They must be fully and equally represented.—Lord Carysfort.

USE OF AGITATION.-I love clamour when there is an abuse. The alarum bell disturbs the inhabitants, but saves them from being burnt in their beds.-Burke.

ORIGINAL POETRY.

THE APRON AND THE GOWN.

A POLITICAL DIALOGUE.

'Twas on a bright and sunny day,
(Tho' not just in the month of May,)
That Thomas Chartist left his leather,
To share the beauties of the weather.
And to the workman from his seat
How well enjoyed is such a treat!
Quite musingly he walked along,
With pipe in mouth and apron on,
And face perhaps a little smutty,
'Bout which he cared nothing, not he;
T'would show French, English, Jew, or Turk,
That what he got, he got by work.

He thought, as glad flowers blushed and faded
Like tender youth; as old trees shaded
His path, and made his walk more cool,
And o'er the world of sound bore rule;
The bird, the bee, the buzzing fly,
Sporting beneath the clear blue sky;

And green fields smiled like Love asleep,-
Exciting all emotion deep;

That if to misery man were given,
It could not be the fault of Heaven.
When suddenly appeared, no spectre,
But only rev'rend village Rector,
With coat of broad cloth, glossy, sleek,
And neckcloth white as was his cheek.
His movements, lordly, solemn, slow,
And craving, by his looks, a bow;
Which Thomas, willing to behave
With proper etiquette, soon gave.
Close up in front of Tom he drew;
(An ominous event, Tom knew ;)
When, if my memory, do not joust me,
(And if it does, blame Beniowski,)
There pass'd the following discourse,
Which I shall just repeat in verse.

Gown.-Said Rector, looking somewhat grave,
"You know, young friend, I wish to save
The meanest sheep my flock within
From all the grievous wolves of sin;
Especially those viler dogs,

That modern pest, those demagogues,
Who roam the country night and day,
Leading simplicity astray;

And pained am I to understand
You are of that misguided band
Whose aim it is to spoil the church,
To give the state a fatal lurch,

From which she ne'er shall right again,
Deeming a nation's loss their gain;
Set up to sale the precious throne,
Nor deem the work of ruin done,
Till of old rights, not one should stand,
And law and order left the land.
Indeed, I can't but think that creature
(Hideous and huge in every feature)
Described in Job, must symbolize
These modern pests of monstrous size;
His fiery breath, their words must mean;
No coals so hot, nor swords so keen,
By which they strive to wound the state,
The object of their deadly hate.
Those scales of his, steel-weapon proof,
Are they not, obvionsly enough,
The scales of ignorance and pride,
In which these wretched men reside,
At once resisting truth and law;
So nothing can their apirits awe?
The ocean, which he makes to boil,
Like to a pot of heated oil,
What is it, but the social state
Which these disturbers agitate,

Till its foundations seem to shake,
And good men for its safety quake;
May, all the pious learn to pray

That heaven would take this curse away."

A late writer of a certain high-church school, has actually made this creature to represent modern evangelicals, its spirit being that of insubordination.

Apron.-Tom heard with patience all the while,
Escaped him neither tear nor smile,
Nor look of wonder nor surprise,
But stolid face and half-closed eyes,
And lips emitting clouds of smoke,
The coolest self-possession spoke;
And thus he heard and thus he stood,
As any man of marble would,
Till uttered this last wish, and then
Responded with a firm amen.
"And be such prayers, by heaven heeded,
(Tho', far as I'm concerned, not needed);
For never had I known or thought,
Nor had I dreamed, nor had been taught,
Nor had the news to me been brought,
I vow, and by the highest power,
Up to this strange-birth-giving hour,
That monsters of such mould could dare
Tread earth or breath the common air;
And were it my poor mother's son,
And brother I had but that one,
Who dared to pull so false a thread,
And breed such foul thoughts in his head,
I'd bid him welcome to my door,
Nor ever call him brother more.

I am not such a patriot quite,
As, like that ancient Nazarite,
In rage that cannot be controll'd,

With vengeance strong, but blindly bold,
To pull the pillar'd fabric down
In weighty ruin on my crown.
So of that very curious brute,
Which you've described, I constitute
You see, nor head, nor trunk, nor tail,
Nor claw, nor jaw, nor tooth, nor scale,
Nor bone, nor marrow, heart, nor liver,
Nor any part of it whatever."

This staunch and hearty declaration
Elicited congratulation.

Gown. I'm glad to find that loud report
This time, has only been in sport;
Great mercy is it you are free
From this worst kind of heresy ;
This restless, wild, reforming rage,
The curse and plague-spot of the age:
Indeed, the very form of evil

Which made and ruined both-the devil,
What did he, to incur damnation,
But quit his proper rank and station?
Then, as you would not imitate
The object of your dread and hate,
Avoid those rabid discontents,
Abhor them, and their sentiments;
Reject their words, their books, their ways.
And counsels, as the first Psalm says;
Use much your ears, your tongue but little
Each grievance, let your betters settle.
In every thing, bow to their nod,
In serving them, you serve your God;
Then shall their kind and fost'ring wing,
Protection and contentment bring;
Then shal! you never be despised,
But cherish'd, lov'd, and patroniz'd;
Sweet peace beneath your humble roof
Shall ever dwell; and, as a proof
That I'm your friend, if you're your own,
Accept from me this half-a-crown."

Apron.-"No, thank you, sir; no, not to-day,"
Slowly was Thomas heard to say;

I get my cash another way.
For if I took that coin of you,
As I have just refused to do,

'T would be the first has come to me,
For many years, quite labour-free.
And more than that, I'm rather vexed
You preach'd so long without a text.
Your sermon had not else been lost,
As 'tis oft, on that drowsy host
Who meet within yon walls we see,
And now for once has been on me.
For it ne'er entered my dull brain,
As you advanced in such a strain
Of eloquence, so choice and rare,
As made poor sober reason stare,

That out of all this paint and pomp,
Scripture and fury in a lump,
You only meant at length to bring
So homely, harmless, plain a thing,
As a poor unenfranchised wight
Demanding freedom as his right:
Or I had never dared to plead
Not Guilty to the charge you lead;
For such a man, if he indeed
Be but a true one to his creed,
Does neither mean to spoil nor plunder,
Nor bring his fellow-creatures under;
Would in no coarse confusion revel,
And, but of justice, seek no level;
Would only take what he would give,-
Would live, and let his fellows live;
Would give respect, and be respected,
Protection, and would be protected;
Would neither be quite all nor blank,
Would but as one poor unit rank,
Among the millions of the free,
In his own land, whoe'er they be:
And, as advancing legislation,
At every step, shall ask the question,
Shall this and that be so or so?
Would have his simple Yes or No;
Would have, in fact, no measure pass'd
But tightly fitted the state last
In all its grades of interest through,
At every point, from heel to toe.
If this is what a crime you call,
I boast in being criminal."

To be concluded in our next.

THE NEW YEAR.

Hail to the blithe new year, the coming year!
How many beating hearts have welcom'd thee!
Thou comest with a smile, that bodes no fear;
So full of smiles thou art, so light and free,
So joyful is thy footstep, hasting near,-
Fresh hope sees ever, in the future days,

The promise of an opening jubilee:
Joy wakes again her long-forgotten lays,
And, springing forth, new life thy quickening voice
obeys.

A farewell to the past, the gloomy past;

The tear of sorrow shall be wiped away:
We would not have the new year like the last,-
The old and frowning year, with grim array
Of cares and disappointments overcast:-
But thou shalt, with a veil, its terrors hide,
Till both are mingled into one decay;
Two happy recollections side by side;
While we to other years our other hopes confide.
Oh, who can tell the solemn mystery

That seems to speak in every mortal change,
The secret of our being;-first, TO BE!

And then to know, we are; and in the range
Of heaven, earth, hell, to find the spirit free,
But--for a thousand purposes, that lie

Beyond our wisest thought. This is the strange,
The mystic life of years so hasting by;
Naught seems for man too low, no highest aims
too high!

One only venerable truth is known:

The nearest, fullest, all-sufficient light Of human thought and duty, beams alone.

We cannot know the many suns of night,
Nor make their blessed influence our own.
The passing ages one sole good reveal

For us, for all men, shining ever bright,
The heavenly fear, and love that strives to heal
Those griefs that to the heart unceasingly appeal!
Edinburgh.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

We are compelled to defer our usual Review to our next Number.

Received" Independence," "The Poles and their Tyrant," and a valuable Physiological Article on "Total Abstinence," by Mr. A. Courtney, Sugeon, R. N., Ramsgate.

London: DAVIS & HASLER, 4, Crane Court, Fleet A Britain where appointments have not been