REVIEW. CONFERENCE PAPERS.-No. 4.-MR. MASSIE'S PAPER. Ward & Co. THIS paper we cannot quite understand. The title is defective. The writer does not appear to have known precisely what he was desired to ing: "The erils of the various forms, &c." do. The real subject of the essay is the followIn this view it may be conceived as a more particular exhibition of what the previous writer had shewn in general. This repetition was such a view of the paper. unnecessary; we shall not choose, therefore, mitice. A clear and brief statement of what The writer sketches various establishment theories,-that of the Free Church, which means state support, bat with self-government; and that of the Covenanters, or Cameronians, upon which he dwells at some length. The coincidence between this and the scheme be supplied, by assailing the stomach, and impairing or destroying digestion. It is as clear to the understanding of every rational man, that all the drunkenness that ever disgraced the fair face of this earth originated in the moderate use of intoxicating liquors, as it is that the rain descends on the just and on the unjust. Moderation is the smooth, polished, slippery inclined planc, on which thousands slide insensibly downwards, till they reach the very verge which overhangs the dismal gulf of It is much to be wished that it had been intemperance, from which they are pre-shorter; the extraneous matter fills a great part cipitatedinto the dreadful depths below. of it. We cannot tell whose fault this may have Whenever you hear a person say, been, whether the writer's, or that of the com"I tried teetotalism, but it would not the title indicates would be a very desirable do for me; I got weak, feeble, or low-thing; we trust that it may yet be given us spirited; I felt a sinking or faintness in the shape of a tract or pamphlet; unhappily, when I had not my usual allowance," in most agitatious for reform, the people know &c., you may be quite certain that he not clearly what it is against which they strive. is on the inclined plane-that intoxi-They are never the best adherents who adhere in ignorance. The Anti-State-Church Associacating liquors have already made in- tion will not, we trust, suffer from ill-taught roads on his constitution, and that it support. This paper of Mr. Massie's is a good is his duty, if he value health, never to one, but it should stand alone: it is not exactly taste them again. in its place where it now appears. That the morbid appetite, however, will reign rampant for a time after their abandonment, and give rise to the uncomfortable sensations just mentioned, is nearly certain; but that the appetite, and with it the sensations described, will be effectually and safely subdued, if the abstinence be complete and duly persevered in, is also certain. It is unfortunate, however, that such sensations are almost always mistaken for disease by the patient himself, and quite as often by his friends, whose importunities together with his own hankerings after the liquors, induce him too often to return to its use. Some With certain great peculiarities reserved to medical men I regret to say, either each, the spirit of the Covenanters was not unlike that of the English Puritans. Their through ignorance or something else, splendid earthly name is due partly to the are too often active agents also in in- earthly element of their fanaticism. They held ducing the reclaimed to return to their fast to so much that was good, that they were old habits, though if they but knew alike the reformers and the martyrs of their day; but, withal, there adhered to them so much that the many fearful consequences to them- | was more questionable, that while we admire selves and to their families, they would, and venerate their sincerity and courage, we can I am sure, pause before they recom- hardly venture to imitate them further. mended such a step. It is impossible that a habit practised daily from infancy can be laid aside without a parting struggle-a weaning brush. Sensations, however, are false witnesses in such cases, and should be discarded, as the effects of habit and the witcheries of a narcotic, which, in truth, they are. Ramsgate, Jan. 23, 1845. A. COURTNEY, Surgeon R.N. The use of intoxicating liquors, to however small an extent, has a tendency to disorder the health and bring on diseases, and cannot be recommended under any circumstances. Their use, now by far too prevalent, but still, yielding, we believe, gradually, to the force of truth and experience-is, in its physical and moral consequences, one of the greatest evils that has ever befallen the haman race.-Courtney's Hints on Health. of Archbishop Land, with the modern sect of Puseyites, is very remarkable. It is the most absurd of all; it confounds altogether things the church with the state; this is something moral and things civil, the state with the church, more than "Union;" it is confusion worse confounded (see Sewell's Christion Morals). It originated in a most strange misconstruction of the Jewish polity; its temper is arrogant as the papacy; it virtually ascribes infallibility both to its creeds, and the ministers that expound them; it is, therefore, essentially intolerant—an unsubscribing person is a traitor, and so forth. In two pages (79, 80) the writer gives, in the general, a capital and well-written statement of what his title expresses; after mentioning, very briefly, some other establishment fictions. Here opens the detail; that is, the real subject; but so mingled with declamation, on the evils before alluded to, that it is dificult to make church, an expensive system of government, of anything like an abstract. First, in the English a kind that must ally the stipendiaries with the aristocracy, in opposition to the national interest; whether by its gradation of salaries, or by the manner in which they are obtained; especially injurious to all who dissent in their registration, narriages, and burials. Eight thousand benefices in private hands, and one thousand six hundred in the power of the bishops; cathedral livings, and rectorial incumbencies, or incunbrances, in all which, but few evangelical churchmen appear; these, for the most part, being practical voluntaries. Secondly, in Ireland, a nation distrained to support a church of two archbishops, and ten bishops, and of no more than 750,000 even but one bishop for an episcopal population of a professed members; while, in Loudon, there is million; each bishop receiving an average of £13,000 per annum. Above 300 dignitaries, 122 sinecures, 41 benefices, in which there is not a single episcopalian protestant, 99 in which only between 40 and 50. There are 157 in there are not 20, and 120 in which there are which no service is performed in any way, and so on in the same proportion. Above three millions have been disbursed by England since the union for the establishment there, while it possessed an annual income of above £800,000. The regium donum distribution producing effects equally baneful. No wonder they demand repeal. At the same time, the Maynooth grant exhibits the establishment principle in all its detestable want of principle. Thirdly, in Scotland, 1,100 edifices under the favor of government, 550 late dissidents, and grants till annually made for the maintenance of the kirk. Fourthly, in the colonies, where government money is awarded to Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Papists and Wesleyans. In the Grecian Archipelago, the Greek church, also, is added to the list, even the Moslem coming under an auspicious patronage. At the Cape, we find another gem in our crown, in the shape of functionaries of the Dutch church. In India, the same principle prevails; no matter whether in favor of Juggernaut, or the Buddhism of Ceylon, with the worship of Brahma, Vishnu, and the rest. So, then, we are Catholic truly; we admit all sects, all religions; only, in India, before the Governor-General, our Episcopalian, as the Padre Sahib, enjoys the privilege above the Presbyterian, of saving grace before meat. With what pious horror, at Exeter Hall, do the clergymen denounce idolatry, Romanism and Dissent; and yet there is between them all the holy bond of brotherhood. Assuredly, we have a celestial empire too, as well as his majesty of China; only it assumes, in different countries, a form and a color so various. Our establishment is a patch-work over-coat, but it is waterproofed with money. This is the potent charm that shapes our conscientious idea of piety to the figure and strange proportions of this extra ordinary dress. This Catholicity, however, with the disproportions that accompany its patronage, discover the policy that lies hid in all. And what is the real difference between the system now, and what it was so early in the palmy days of Egypt? Then, as now, the priests were dominant; the people ignorant and deceived. Undoubtedly, in the furtherance of every abuse, there will always be many thousands of sincere adherents. But no man who will judge on this question, as he would on a decision of a kind which involved no interest, but must be assured of the tremendous injustice, the extortionate tyranny and impiety, which the whole scheme exhibits. It is impossible to deceive ourselves any senters, we violate no principle of the constitulonger into the notion that, in becoming Distion. There were present, at the conference in London, many who had no idea that in the object they sought was involved an entire constitutional change. To do justice, and get justice done, it is necessary that we interfere with politics, and the more interference the better, when true christian principle is brought into these dens of corruption. What is practical piety otherwise than this? Prepare for heaven! yes, but not by merely looking up with a sigh that the world you leave behind should be so wicked! Such minds are at war with providence; they mistake God's expressed wil!— "Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might, for there is no work nor device in the grave whither thou goest." It may excite, sometimes, the smile of pity, if a feeling of contempt can be forborne, to hear the various shouts for our glorious constitution. At one tine, from the white-waistcoats in parliament; at another, from their humble vassals, the squires, and dinner-eating farmers. But more, and most of all, when it comes from the ranks of dissent, the parasites and admirers of an aristocracy that despise them, or the ministers, who value their respectability above their duty to God, and truth, and uprightness. With all our courage and pretension we are getting the scoff of the earth. Private individuals say-But what can I do? Simply your duty, that is all. Can I overthrow all this? No, but you can do your duty. It is founded upon interest, but principle can throw it down; principle has faith in great results from small means, believes in providence, and has large hopes. Certainly, the present is no time to hesitate; the establishment of Scotland is shaken, never again to become stable; that of Ireland is a leaning tower; that of England, the chief, splitting to pieces; the establishments of the continent give evidence of decline. The iron and the clay have stood together, but the moisture of the latter is getting absorbed from without, and the strength of the former, that was built with it, first crumbles it to pieces, and then will itself fall. Religion has left the establishments; they stand now by interest solely; opinion is but the dry earth, which interest itself will overbear; and the law, as sure as the law of gravity, that principle, namely, which must ever rule the earth, determines the final result. This is the offence of the cross, that it establishes principle above all besides; above interest, respectability, influence of all kinds; we may easily decide, therefore, whether to bear it; whether, in God's name, we will do his will, or side with that name against him. Are we not men, free in the sight of heaven? then let us vote and speak, and give money, as also under the eye of the just and supreme majesty. Gown. It cannot be, it were not just, Than change and dangerous freedom crave, Tom blushed, as with offended pride; Apron.-Yet you believe, I'm almost sure, The poor God made, and made them poor; When some it poor made, and some rich; Making all equal, and alike. 'Tis wonder Nature does not here, Step forth and put her obvious ban, I'll fetch ten skulls from yonder yard, Had followed Fortune's turns and shifts; Here rage glared in the parson's look, And what is there in gentry life, These boasted leaders of the blind, As nothing but defeat he got, THE MIND ITS OWN STANDARD A voice-the voice of God-bids all obey! But where and when the dictate? Would'st be To me the umpire? Or shall I to thee? Yet still my mind is final rule to meWhom God commands, must needs from n free! PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED. The Anti-State-Church Conference Papers Student: Young England: The Anti-Mono The General Advertizer: The Critic: The F The Temperance Recorder: National Temp Advocate: Long-pledge Tee-totaller: Ja The Birmingham Pilot, Norwich News, &c. NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS "J. M." "R. B." 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"We venture to predict that this little amphlet will very soon be stereotyped Among the numerous medical guides for the million which have appeared a more useful one than tlás has never passed through the press; every one of our readers must get a copy; it is dirt cheap."-National Temperance Magazine GAS STREET, KETTERING, NNOUNCES to the Public, that he executes every description of Printing on the lowest possible terms by which business can be honourably conducted; and particularly calls the attenLondon: C. Gilpin, 5, Bishopsgate-street With- tion of Chemists, Grocers, Drapers, &c., to the out; Aylott and Jones, Paternoster-row; Westbrook Copperplate Department, in which he has had conand Isaac, Northampton; T. Cook, Leicester; J. siderable experience, and is able and determined to Kershaw, Leeds; Burton, Ipswich; and all Book-compete with any house in London or Birmingham. [One concern.] sellers. No License required to sell it. To be prepared precisely the same as Coffee. Printed by JOHN COOKE WESTBROOK and HENRY Leeds; W. Wells, Kettering; and all Booksellers. A MONTHLY PERIODICAL, CHIEFLY DEVOTED TO THE ADVOCACY OF POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS, AND COMMERCIAL FREEDOM. NEW SERIES, No. 3. Policy of Peel CONTENTS. Illustrations of Reform, No. II. Imperial Parliament, (from our own Reporter) .... Correspondence: Strictures on Mr Courtney's "Physiology Reviews-Douglas Jerrold's Shilling Magazine, No. 1, 2; The Peace Question-Havoc at Home, and Havoc Abroad POLICY OF PEEL. PAGE 19 20 21 ib. 22 ib. 24 the subject, will be inclined to ask, quently, to the working man. And what mighty thing it is the premier has why is not this done to a greater ex17 done to elicit the unwilling eulogies of tent? Why are not all the restrictive 18 professed liberals, and the ill-concealed duties removed? Is it not purely to displeasure of a considerable portion serve the purposes of the aristocracy of his own party. "He is, doubtless, that any of this class of taxes are remaking some important concessions to tained? We keep a standing army of the claims of the poor, the working a hundred and twenty-nine thousand class; is introducing measures which men, at an expense of upwards of six affect that monopoly of power which millions a-year. "This expensive peace23 the aristocracy of this country has so establishment," says Sir Robert Peel, long held, and of the continued pos- "is necessary, not to keep the people session of which, it is so tenacious, quiet at home, as is often represented, and that involve the right of the poor but to maintains upwards of ninety thouto representation." Nay, nay, not too sand regular troops in the colonies." fast; be not too sanguine. Had this And what makes the continued deTHOSE who have paid any attention to been the case, the whigs had not been pendence of the colonies upon the the commencement of business in Par- heard to praise his policy, much less mother country so important as to jusliament, will be reminded that strategy had they been ready to coalesce with tify us in maintaining possession of is better than strength. The premier him. No; the repeal of a tax to the them at such an expense? "Because is leading two parties at once- his amount of twelve per cent. upon raw these colonies are so important to us friends and his enemies. The former mutton; of another, upon certain dying in a commercial point of view,' are said to be astounded at the free-materials, that was not worth recollect- Sir Robert: "they are the great retrade tendencies of their chosen leader. ing; and a sufficient reduction of the ceptacles of our home manufactures." This is very likely to be the case with sugar-duties to cheapen that article A foreign market for these, then, is of the more rabid among the tories. No some importance: but is there no other, doubt they regard every concession no better, mode of securing a foreign made by him to popular interests and market? We think the League could opinions, as a treacherous desertion of point out to the premier a much better his own party and the true cause, and mode of doing the thing. "If our only a presage of some future and commerce," the members of this body further dereliction. The whigs, again, would say, "be of so much importance. must be struck with hopelessness at that it is worth while to secure for our the popular character of their great manufacturers a foreign market at the opponent's measures; for they can the point of ninety thousand bayonets, scarcely expect, on this ground, to it were worth while, one should think, beat him in anything except the cornto accept such markets as might, in laws; and even in regard to these, they different parts of the world, be obtained have committed themselves too far to and preserved without the aid of a be able to make any very favourable single soldier or a single musket, simply impression on the country. They are by removing restrictive duties! Repeal endeavouring, however, to carry the the corn-laws, abolish the sugar mothing off with as good a grace as posnopoly altogether, and we will find a sible; concealing, as well as they can, Till this demand be complied with, market for our manufactures, without their disappointment from the obtrusive they will never cease to feel that, what-the help of an army of more than a gaze of the public. They can con- ever else is conceded, they are an in-hundred thousand men." But this gratulate Sir Robert Peel on the bold-jured, a proscribed, an ill-treated class; ness of his measures; promising him that there is someting withheld that is (that is, if the sentiments of the party be represented by their great organ, the Chronicle) their cordial support, in case his own friends should become unmanageable. The reader, if he be uninformed on by three-halfpence in the pound; is softer than cotton, and sweeter than The less our trade is encumbered, would not suit the selfish and exclusive purposes of the aristocracy; at least, as they suppose. And therefore the working classes of this country, in addition to the injury to their interests they receive from the abridgment of trade, must be burdened with more than their share of a tax of six millions THE former argument for reform, tended to exhibit, by illustration, its perfectly natural and necessary character; since government also, with every human thing, requires to be carefully attended to, and attempered to the existing state of affairs. The clamour for reform, if made with reason, is not factious, but springs from the necessity of the case: it is as appropriate and natural for us to be occupied about such matters, as upon any of the other duties of life. No man in a country like ours, can, with reason, abandon the field of politics, in which all have necessarily so much of real influence. Carrying on the course of suggestions by means of which we may throw some light on the philosophy of reform, we introduce to remark, a second element not wanting in interest and instruction. Reforms are interwoven, and complete themselves in each other. in the anticipation of festivity, than during adduced and agitated upon. Nothing effec- Yet it is not true, that even these suggestions, comprehensive as they are, cover the whole case. First, for the question of fact, the imperfection of human nature prevents a full development of the happy promise of reform. There is weakness and gullibility in men, often a mistaken idea of what shall bring them good, and a feeling, provoked by their long oppression, of not quite so virtuous a nature, or so It would seem, from the appearances of tolerant of the claims of others, as the wise gratulation amongst a people after any of and hopeful philanthropist could desire. their struggles, that the world might be Then there is opposition to be encountered; easily set in order; so thankful are they killing some, wounding others, discouraging for the smallest favors, so ready to exag- others. Hence many desertions. Further: gerate what they receive;-an aimiable the enemy is in power; and since he is weakness, perhaps, but dangerous. The not altogether and in every respect our people never appear more foolish, never foe, he has many advantages to take over more open to every kind of imposition. us. So that weakness and wickedness Under colour of relieving one grievance, agree to make sad havoc of reforms. Since, the ruler confirms a greater. The notorious again, they fail, on these accounts, to reDefender of the Faith against Luther-alize the full aim they intended, in a far Henry, one instance from very many through all ancient history, contrived in this way to bring, within his own power, the authority of the Romish see, and this at the very moment when the people were taught to rejoice in their relief from the papal authority. The most instructive modern case illustrative of the same principle, has been offered in the history of the Reform Bill. Later still, we have seen the very glaring and audacious proceeding of the government with Sir J. Graham, striving, under pretence of diffusing education, to fetter the religious faith of thousands. This is one impediment in the way of complete reforms. Apart from the cunning management of men in power, other causes of the like prevention occur. It may seem not unimportant in the case, if we observe two fertile occasions of misapprehension. In the first place, the expectations which men have of a coming good, are seldom correct; mostly exaggerative or vague. Secondly, when the blessing arrives, it is too greatly undervalued. Some persons find more pleasure smaller degree do they appear what the These reflections give the reason, and For men have other things to do besides agitating for public reforms: nor do these come like spirits from the deep at our call. Interests legitimate to be considered, which attach to every public institution, must be separated from others whose only claim upon notice is their yet closer te nacity. Time is needed to discover to the people in influence the right way. Proofs are to be diligently collected, devotedly Is it, then, that the hindrances are so many and strong, that nothing or little is accomplished? By no means. It is, that few things are effected precisely as men expect. Events occur, which were unforeseen; which sometimes retard one movement, while accelerating another; while the agitations have all a mutual bearing. Hence the perfect hostility of the endowed classes to agitation of every kind. Admit it in the smallest things, and they know that it will prove like the outpouring of water. Would the removal of corn-laws be gained without the game-laws following? Would the Establishment have lost no support? Would the pension-list be so easily augmented? Would the claims of labour be so easily slighted? Would the suffrage be so far off? Or, give us the last to commence with, and how much of effective landlord interference remains? There is not only the sequence of a direct kind, but important results flow indirectly from every victory of the people. It may comfort them in the contemplation of an incomplete Reform Bill, that at least their course upon that path has brought them very far onward upon another, which, again, leads farther upon others, in like manner. They are placed on another carriage, which runs on other ground, but it is better, in many ways, thai: the road and vehicle just left. Or, further yet, illustra ting by the anti-landlord agitation, the very opposition of the magnates developes the strength of the people, forcing them to bring it into exertion, with a product of greater issues than even themselves first sought. Believing that much harm has been produced by the false glitter of expectation which some reformers indulge and hold out, it seems to us very greatly necessary that such reflections should be closely and constantly presented to the attention of our readers. We are not to hesitate, then, in adducing as a fact what we certainly feel to be a very important one. The reform consummation does at length approach, but when it has come, it is not of the value it would have been, had it been earlier conceded. Not that a good principle can be ever deteriorated, but in point of relief and redress of grievances, this |