1658.]

OLIVER CROMWELL.

For my poor self, if it were not for your lordships' interest, and the interest of a saint in heaven, who hath left me here two pledges on earth,* I should never take the pains to keep up this ruinous cottage of mine. It is loaded with such infirmities that, in truth, I have no great pleasure to carry it about with me any longer. Nor could I ever leave it at a fitter time than this, when I hope that the better part of the world would perhaps think that by my misfortunes I had given a testimony of my integrity to my God, my King, and my country. I thank God I count not the afflictions of the present life to be compared to that glory which is to be revealed in the time to come!

My lords! my lords! my lords! something more I had intended to say, but my voice and my spirit fail me. Only I do in all humility and submission cast myself down at your lordships' feet, and desire that I may be a beacon to keep you from shipwreck. Do not put such rocks in your own way, which no prudence, no circumspection, can eschew or satisfy, but by your utter ruin!

And so, my lords, even so, with all tranquillity of mind, I submit myself to your decision. And whether your judgment in my caseI wish it were not the case of you all-be for life or for death, it shall be righteous in my eyes, and shall be received with a Te Deum laudamus, we give God the praise.

OLIVER CROMWELL.

LIVER CROMWELL, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of

England, was born at Huntington, on the 25th of April, 1599. He completed his education at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge; became a law student at Lincoln's Inn, and was elected member of Parliament for Huntington, in 1628. In 1640 he represented Cambridge. In his parliamentary career we are told that he was remarkable rather for his business-like habits and energy of character, than for elegance of language or gracefulness of delivery. It is not the object of the present notice to follow him in the distinguished part which he played in the struggle between the parliamentary forces and those of King Charles I. Passing that by, it is enough to mention that, in 1653, while the Dutch war was going on, he dissolved the Long Parliament, formed a Council of State, and had a new Parliament called, which soon resigned its power to Cromwell, and by the "Instrument of Government " he was created "Lord Protector." After a few years of successful government, carried on with much care and anxiety, he died on the 3rd of September, 1658.

His speeches, says Hazlitt, are just such "as a man must make with his hand upon his sword, and who appeals to that as the best decider of controversies. They are full of bustle and impatience, and always go directly to the point in debate, without preparation or circumlocution." The following was

* At this, his breath stopped, and he shed tears abundantly in mentioning his wife, Lady Arabella Hollis.

delivered on his dissolving Parliament, because of its impracticable conduct, on the 4th of February, 1658.

On Dissolving Parliament, 1658.

I HAD very comfortable expectations that God would make the meeting of this Parliament a blessing; and, the Lord be my witness, I desired the carrying on the affairs of the nation to these ends. The blessing which I mean, and which we ever climbed at, was mercy, truth, righteousness, and peace; and which I desire may be improved.

That which brought me into the capacity I now stand in, was the petition and advice given me by you; who, in reference to the ancient constitution, did draw me to accept of the place of Protector. There is not a man living can say I sought it; no, not a man nor woman treading upon English ground; but, contemplating the sad condition of these nations, relieved from an intestine war into a six or seven years' peace, I did think the nation happy therein. But to be petitioned thereunto, and advised by you to undertake such a government, a burden too heavy for any creature, and this to be done by the House that then had the legislative capacity, I did look that the same men that made the frame should make it good unto me. can say, in the presence of God, in comparison with whom we are but like poor creeping ants upon the earth, I would have been glad to have lived under my woodside, to have kept a flock of sheep, rather than undertook such a government as this is; but undertaking it by the advice and petition of you, I did look that you that had offered it unto me should make it good.

I

I did tell you, at a conference concerning it, that I would not undertake it, unless there might be some other persons that might interpose between me and the House of Commons, who then had the power to prevent tumultuary and popular spirits, and it was granted I should name another House. I named it of men that shall meet you wheresoever you go, and shake hands with you, and tell you it is not titles, nor lords, nor party that they value, but a Christian and an English interest-men of your own rank and quality, who will not only be a balance unto you, but to themselves, while you love England and religion.

Having proceeded upon these terms, and finding such a spirit as is too much dominant, everything being too high or too low, when virtue, honesty, piety, and justice are omitted, I thought I had been doing that which was my duty, and thought it would have satisfied you; but, if everything must be too high or too low, you are not to be satisfied.

Again, I would not have accepted of the government, unless I knew there would be a just accord between the governor and the governed, unless they would take an oath to make good what the Parliament's petition and advice advise me unto. Upon that I took an oath, and they took another oath upon their part, answerable to

1658.]

OLIVER CROMWELL.

mine; and did not every one know upon what condition they swore ? God knows I took it upon the conditions expressed in the Government, and I did think we had been upon a foundation and upon a bottom, and thereupon I thought myself bound to take it, and to be advised by the two Houses of Parliament; and we standing unsettled till we were arrived at that, the consequences would necessarily have been confusion, if that had not been settled. Yet there are not constituted hereditary lords, nor hereditary kings, the power consisting in the two Houses and myself. I do not say that was the meaning of the oath to yourselves; that were to go against my own principles, to enter upon another man's conscience. God will judge between me and you. If there had been in you any intention of settlement you would have settled upon this basis, and have offered your judgment and opinion.

God is my witness, I speak it; it is evident to all the world and all people living, that a new business hath been seeking in the army against this actual settlement made by your own consent. I do not speak to these gentlemen or lords (pointing to his right hand), or whatsoever you will call them. I speak not this to them, but to you; you advised me to run into this place, to be in a capacity by your advice; yet, instead of owning a thing taken for granted, some must have I know not what; and you have not only disjointed yourselves, but the whole nation, which is in likelihood of running into more confusion in these fifteen or sixteen days that you have sat, than it hath been from the rising of the last session to this day, through the intention of devising a commonwealth again, that some of the people might be the men that might rule all; and they are endeavouring to engage the army to carry that thing. And hath that man been true to this nation, whosoever he be, especially that hath taken an oath, thus to prevaricate? These designs have been among the army to break and divide us. I speak this in the presence of some of the army, that these things have not been according to God, nor according to truth, pretend what you will. These things tend to nothing else, but the playing the King of Scots' game, if I may so call him, and I think myself bound to do what I can to prevent it. That which I told you in the Banqueting House was true, that there were preparations of force to invade us. God is my witness, it has been confirmed to me since, not a day ago, that the King of Scots hath an army at the water-side, ready to be shipped for England. I have it from those who have been eye-witnesses of it; and while it is doing, there are endeavours from some, who are not far from this place, to stir up the people of this town into a tumulting. What if I had said into a rebellion? It hath been not only your endeavour to pervert the army, while you have been sitting, and to draw them to state the question about the commonwealth, but some of you have been listing of persons, by commission of Charles Stuart, to join with any insurrection that may be made. And what is like to come upon this, the enemy being ready to invade us, but even present blood and confusion? And if this be so, I do assign it to this

cause your not assenting to what you did invite me to by your petition and advice, as that which might be the settlement of the nation. And if this be the end of your sitting, and this be your carriage, I think it high time that an end be put unto your sitting, and I do dissolve this parliament:-and let God judge between me and you.

LORD DIGBY.

EORGE DIGBY, Earl of Bristol, was born at Madrid, in 1612. He was educated at Oxford, and became a member of the Long Parliament, in which he at first opposed the court, but in the end joined the royalists, and did his best for the cause of Charles I. He went to France, whence he was banished for the part he took in the Fronde. After the Restoration he reappeared in England, and made himself remarkable by his eccentric courses. His death took place in 1676.

The speech from which the following extracts are given is one of great manliness, force, and plausibility. It was delivered in the House of Commons, on the 21st of April, 1641.

On the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford.

WE are now upon the point of giving, as much as in us lies, the final sentence unto death or life, on a great minister of state, and peer of this kingdom, Thomas, Earl of Strafford, a name of hatred in the present age, for his practices, and fit to be made a terror to future ages by his punishment.

I have had the honour to be employed by the House in this great business, from the first hour that it was taken into consideration. It was a matter of great trust, and I will say with confidence that I have served the House in it, not only with industry, according to my ability, but with the most exact faithfulness and justice.

And, as I have hitherto discharged my duty to this House, and to my country, in the progress of this great cause, so I trust I shall do now, in the last period of it, to God and to a good conscience. I do wish the peace of that to myself, and the blessing of Almighty God to me and to my posterity, according as my judgment on the life of this man shall be consonant with my heart, and the best of my understanding in all integrity.

I know well that, by some things I have said of late, while this bill was in agitation, I have raised some prejudices against me in the cause. Yea, some (I thank them for their plain dealing) have been so free as to tell me that I have suffered much by the backwardness I have shown in the bill of attainder of the Earl of Strafford, against whom I had formerly been so keen, so active.

I beg of you, Mr. Speaker and the rest, but a suspension of judgment concerning me till I have opened my heart to you, clearly and freely, in this business. Truly, sir, I am still the same in my opinion

and affections as to the Earl of Strafford. I confidently believe him to be the most dangerous minister, the most insupportable to free subjects that can be charactered. I believe his practices in themselves to have been as high and tyrannical as any subject ever ventured on, and the malignity of them greatly aggravated by those rare abilities of his, whereof God hath given him the use, but the devil the application. In a word, I believe him to be still that great apostate to the Commonwealth, who must not expect to be pardoned in this world till he be dispatched to the other.

And yet, let me tell you, Mr. Speaker, my hand must not be to that dispatch. I protest, as my conscience stands informed, I had rather it were off.

To condemn my Lord of Strafford judicially, as for treason, my conscience is not assured that the matter will bear it; and to do it by the legislative power, my reason consultively cannot agree to that, since I am persuaded that neither the Lords nor the King will pass this bill, and consequently, that our passing it will be a cause of great divisions and contentions in the State.

Therefore, my humble advice is that, laying aside this bill of attainder, we may think of another, saving only life: such as may secure the State from my Lord of Strafford, without endangering it as much by division concerning his punishment, as he hath endangered it by his practices.

If this may not be hearkened unto, let me conclude in saying that to you all, which I have thoroughly inculcated upon mine own conscience, on this occasion. Let every man lay his hand upon his own heart, and seriously consider what we are going to do with a breath; either justice or murder-justice on the one side, or murder, heightened and aggravated to its supremest extent, on the her! For he that commits murder with the sword

of justice, heightens that crime to the utmost.

The danger being so great, and the case so doubtful, let every man wipe his heart as he does his eyes, when he would judge of a nice and subtle object. The eye, if it be pre-tinctured with any colour, is vitiated in its discerning. Let us take heed of a bloodshotted eye in judgment. Let every man purge his heart clear of all passions. I know this great and wise body politic can have none, but I speak to individuals from the weakness which I find in myself. Away with personal animosities! Away with all flatteries to the people, in being the sharper against him because he is odious to them! Away with all such considerations as that it is not fit for a Parliament that one accused by it of treason should escape with life! Let not former vehemence of any against him, nor fear from thence that he cannot be safe, while that man lives, be an ingredient in the sentence of any one of us.

Of all these corruptives of judgment, Mr. Speaker, I do, before