fituations, and of determining the amount of the contribution to be levied. That as the colonies poffefs a right of appropriating their gifts, fo are they entitled at all times to enquire into their application, to fee that they be not wasted among the venal and corrupt for the purpose of undermining the civil rights of the givers, nor yet be diverted to the fupport of standing armies, inconfiftent with their freedom and fubverfive of their quiet. To propose therefore, as this refolution does, that the monies given by the colonies shall be subject to the difpofal of parliament alone, is to propofe that they fhall relinquish this right of enquiry, and put it in the power of others to render their gifts ruinous, in proportion as they are liberal. That this privilege of giving or witn-holding our monies, is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative, which, if left altogether without controul, may be exercised to our great oppreffion; and all history fhews how efficacious is its interceffion for redrefs of grievances and reestablishment of rights, and how improvident it would be to part with fo powerful a mediator. We are of opinion that the propofition contained in this refolution is unreafonable and infidious; unreasonable, because, if we declare we accede to it, we declare without refervation, we will purchase the favour of parliament parliament, not knowing at the fame time at what price they will pleafe to estimate their favor; it is infidious, because, individual colonies, having bid and bidden again, till they find the avidity of the feller to great for all their powers to fatisfy, are then to return into oppofition, divided from their fifter colonies whom the minifter will have previously detached by a grant of eafier terms or by an artful procraftination of a definitive anfwer. That the fufpenfion of the exercife of their pretended power of taxation being exprefsly made commenfurate with the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that fo. Whereas no experience has fhewn that a gift of perpetual revenue fecures a perpetual return of duty or of kind difpofition. On the contrary, the parlia ment itself, wifely attentive to this obfer vation, are in the established practice of granting their fupplies from year to year only. Defirous and determined as we are to confider, in the moft difpaffionate view every feeming advance towards a reconciliation made by the British parliament, let our brethren of Britain reflect what would have been the facrifice to men of free fpirits had even fair terms been proffered, as thefe infidious propofals were with circumftances of infult and defiance. A propofition to give our money, accompanied with large fleets. and armies, feems addreffed to our fears rather Dd ther than to our freedom. With what patience would Britons have received articles of treaty from any power on earth, when borne on the point of a bayonet by military plenipotentiaries? We think the attempt unneceffary to raise upon us by force or by threats our proportional contributions to the common defence, when all know, and themselves acknowledge we have fully contributed, whenever called upon to do fo in the character of freemen. We are of opinion, it is not just that the colonies fhould be required to oblige themfelves to other contributions, while GreatBritain poffeffes a monopoly of their trade. This of itself lays them under heavy contribution. To demand therefore, additional aids in the form of a tax, is to demand the _double of their equal proportion, if we are to contribute equally with the other parts of the empire, let us equally with them enjoy free commerce with the whole world. while the reftrictions on our trade shut to us the refources of wealth, is it just we should bear all other burthens equally with those to whom every refourfe is open ? But We conceive that the British parliament has no right to intermeddle with our provifions for the fupport of civil government, or adminiftration of juftice. The provisions we have made, are fuch as pleafe ourselves, and are agreeable to our own circumstances : They answer the fubftantial purposes of ga vernment vernment and of juftice, and other purposes than these should not be answered. We do not mean that our people fhall be burthened with oppreffive taxes, to provide finecures for the idle or the wicked, under colour of providing for a civil lift. While parliament purfue their plan of civil government within their own jurifdiction, we alfo hope to purfue ours without moleftation. We are of opinion the propofition is altogether unfatisfactory, because it imports only a fufpenfion of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us: because too it does not propofe to repeal the feveral acts of parliament paffed for the purpose of reftraining the trade and altering the form of government in one of our Colonies; extending the boundaries and changeing the government of Quebec; enlarging the jurifdiction of the courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty; taking from us the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage, in cafes affecting both life and property; tranfporting us into other countries to be tried for criminal offences; exempting by mocktrial the murderers of colonists from punishment; and quartering foldiers on us in times of profound peace. Nor do they renounce the power of fufpending our own legiflatures, and of legiflating for us themfelves in all cafes whatsoever. On the contrary, to fhew they mean no difcontinuance of injury, they pass acts at the very time of holding out out this propofition, for reftraining the commerce and fishery of the provinces of NewEngland and for interdicting the trade of other Colonies with all foreign nations, and with each other. This proves unequivocally they mean not to relinquish the exercife of indifcriminate legiflation over us. Upon the whole, this propofition feems to have been held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute between us but the mode of levying taxes; and that the parliament have now been fo good as to give up this, the Colonies are unreasonable if not perfectly fatisfied: Whereas in truth, our adverfaries ftill claim a right of demading ad libitum, and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property. But, what is of more importance, and what in this propofal they keep out of fight, as if no fuch point was now in contest between us, they claim a right to alter our charters and establish laws, and leave us without any fecurity for our lives or liberties. The propofition feems alfo to have been calculated more particularly to lull into fatal fecurity our well affected fellow subjects on the other fide the water, till time should be given for the operation of thofe arms, which a British minister pronounced would inftantaneously reduce the "cowardly" fons of America to unreferved fubmiffion. But ཪ་ when |