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wisdom can form for collecting the united fenfe of your American people, we are convinced, your Majefty would receive fuch fatisfactory proofs of the difpofition of the Colonists towards their fovereign and the parent ftate, that the wifhed for opportunity would foon be reftored to them, of evincing the fincerity of their profeffions, by every teftimony of devotion becoming the most dutiful fubjects, and the most affectionate Colonists.

That your Majefty may enjoy a long and profperous reign, and that your defcendants may govern your dominions, with honor to themfelves and happiness to their subjects, is our fincere prayer. The Committee appointed to prepare a letter to the Lord-mayor, &c. reported the fame, which was read.

On motion, Refolved, That the fame Committee prepare a letter to Richard Penn, Efq. and the Colony Agents, by name, in England.

The Congrefs then refumed the confideration of the address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, which being debated by paragraphs, was agreed to as follows:

The Twelve United Colonies by their Delegates in Congress, to the Inhabitants of Great-Britain.

Friends, Countrymen, and Brethren!

BY these, and every other appellation, that may defignate the ties, which bind US to each other, we entreat your ferious attention to this our fecond attempt to prevent their diffolution. Remembrance of former friendships, pride in the glorious atchievements of our common ancestors and affection for the heirs of their virtues, have hitherto preferved our mutual connection; but when that friendship is violated by the groffeft injuries; when the pride of ancestry becomes our reproach, and we are no otherwife allied than as tyrants and

flaves;

flaves; when reduced to the melancholy alternative of renouncing your favor, or our Freedom; can we hesitate about the choice? Let the fpirit of Britons determine.

In a former Addrefs, we afferted our Rights and stated the injuries we had then received. We hoped, that the mention of our wrongs would have roused that honeft indignation, which has flept too long for your honour, or the welfare of the empire. But we have not been permitted to entertain this pleafing expectation, Every day brought an accumulation of injuries, and the invention of the miniftry has been conftantly exercised, in adding to the calamities of your American Brethren.

After the most valuable right of legislation was infringed; when the powers affumed by your parliament, in which we are not reprefented, and from our local and other circumftances cannot properly be reprefented, rendered our property precarious; after being denied that mode of trial, to which we have long been indebted for the safety of our Perfons and the prefervation of our Liberties; after being in many inftances divefted of those laws, which were tranfmitted to US by our common Ancestors, and fubjected to an arbitrary code, compiled under the aufpices of Roman tyrants; after thofe charters, which encouraged our predeceffors to brave death and danger in every shape, on unknown feas, in defarts unexplored, amidst barbarous and inhofpitable nations, were annuled; when, without the form of trial, without a public accufation, whole colonies were condemned; their trade destroyed, their inhabitants impoverished; when foldiers were encouraged to embrue their hands in the blood of Americans, by offers of impunity; when new modes of

trial were inftituted for the ruin of the accufed, where the charge carried with it the horrors of conviction; when a defpotic government was established in a neighbouring province, and its limits extended to every of our frontiers; we little imagined that any thing could be added to this black catalogue of unprovoked injuries: but we have unhappily been deceived; and the late measures of the British miniftry fully convince us, that their object is the reduction of these colonies to flavery and ruin.

To confirm this affertion, let us recall your attention to the affairs of America, fince our laft addrefs. Let us combat the calumnies of our enemies; and let us warn you of the dangers that threaten you, in our deftruction. Many of your fellow fubjects, whofe fituation deprived them of other fupport, drew their maintenance from the fea; but the deprivation of our Liberty being infufficient to fatisfy the refentment of our enemies, the horrors of famine were fuperadded, and a British Parliament, who, in better times, were the protectors of innocence and the patrons of humanity, have, without diftinction of age or fex, robbed thoufands of the food, which they were accustomed to draw from that inexhaustible fource, placed in their neighbourhood by the benevolent Creator.

Another act of your legiflature shuts our ports and prohibits our trade with any but thofe States, from whom the great law of felf-prefervation renders it abfolutely neceffary we fhould at present withold our commerce. But this act (whatever may have been its defign) we confider rather as injurious to your opulence, than our intereft. All our commerce terminates with you; and the wealth, we procure from other nations is foon exchanged for your fuperfluities. Our remittances muft then

Ꭲ .

ceafe

ceafe with our trade; and our refinements with our affluence. We trust however, that laws, which deprive us of every bleffing, but a foil that teems with the neceffaries of life, and that liberty which renders the enjoyment of them secure, will not relax our vigour in their defence.

We might here observe on the cruelty and inconfiftency of those, who while they publicly brand us with reproachful and unworthy epithets, endeavour to deprive us of the means of defence, by their interpofition with foreign powers, and to deliver us to the lawless ravages of a mercilefs foldiery. But happily we are not without refources; and though the timid and humiliating applications of a British miniftry should prevail with foreign nations, yet induftry, prompted by neceffity, will not leave us without the neceffary fupplies. We could wish to go no further, and, not to wound the ear of humanity, leave untold thofe rigorous acts of oppreffion, which are daily exercifed in the town of Boston, did we not hope, that by difclaiming their deeds and punishing the perpetrators, you would fhortly vindicate the honour of the British name and re-establish the violated laws of justice.

That once populous, flourishing and commercial town is now garrifoned by an army fent, not to protect, but to enflave its inhabitants.-The civil government is overturned, and a military defpotifm erected upon its ruins. Without law, without right, powers are affumed unknown to the conftitution. Private property is unjufly invaded. The inhabitants daily fubjected to the licentioufnefs of the foldiery, are forbid to remove in defiance of their natural rights, in violation of the most folemn compacts. Or if, after long and wearifome folicitation, a país is procured, their effects are de

I

tained

tained, and even those who are moft favoured, have no alternative but poverty or flavery. The diftrefs of many thousand people, wantonly deprived of the neceffaries of life, is a fubject, on which we would not wish to enlarge.

Yet we cannot but obferve, that a British fleet (unjuftified even by acts of your legiflature) are daily employed in ruining our commerce, feizing our fhips, and depriving whole communities of their daily bread. Nor will a regard for your honor permit us to be filent, while Britifh troops fully your glory, by actions, which the most inveterate enmity will not palliate among civilized nations; the wanton and unneceffary deftruction of Charleftown, a large, ancient and once populous town, juft before deferted by its inhabitants, who had fled to avoid the fury of your foldiery.

If you ftill retain thofe fentiments of compaffion, by which Britons have ever been diftinguifhed; if the humanity, which tempered the valour of our common ancestors, has not degenerated into cruelty, you will lament the miseries of their defcendants.

To what are we to attribute this treatment; If to any fecret principle of the conftitution, let it be mentioned; let us learn, that the government, we have long revered, is not without its defects, and that while it gives freedom to a part, it neceffarily enflaves the remainder of the empire. If fuch a principle exifts; why for ages has it ceafed to operate? Why at this time is it called into action? Can no reafon be affigned for this conduct? Or muft it be refolved into the wanton exercife of arbitrary power? And fhall the defcendants of Britons tamely fubmit to this?—No, Sirs! We never will, while we revere the memory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors, we never can furrendet

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