other agricultural products of Pennsylvania, and the other the price of cloth would be diminished by its increased interior and western states. Even now, without the be-production. This was the effect of this policy applied to nefit of this bill, the New England states imported last cotton; it would have the same effect if applied to wool, year 629,000 barrels of flour from Pennsylvania and He denied gentlemen to establish a distinction, unless the other agricultural states, for consumption in their they could reverse the order of nature, and repeal the manufacturing establishments, while all Europe, from laws of cause and effect. And this, Mr. S. contended, whence we purchased and imported more than 60,000,000, was the universal, the plain, the practical effect of this took less than 57,000 barrels of our flour-not the one-policy, wheresoever it had been adopted; and such would tenth part of the amount consumed in New England. De the effects of this bill. It will secure for the farmThen adopt this measure; let our farmers purchase theirers of Pennsylvania a market for their wool and flour, cloths where they can pay in their own productions, and to an extent equal to that furnished for the cotton of the no longer compel them, by your anti-American policy, south; the opinions of his colleagues, (Mr. Ingham and to wear foreign wool, and support foreign labor, feeding Mr. Buchanan), to the contrary notwithstanding. The on foreign bread, when our own fields are lying waste for farmers of this country understand the subject; they unwant of a market for the fruits of our labor. The millions derstand their own interest; they look at it practically; expended for the purchase and importation of the agricul- they know that the erection of an extensive manufactur tural produce of foreign countries, was worse than lost-ing establishment in their neighborhood, for the conit was producing ruin to our farmers. He assimilated it sumption of their wool and other produce, is no "tax," to the purchase of deleterious drugs, which impaired the is no injury to them; but, on the contrary, a great and health and ruined the constitution. positive benefit; and gentlemen reckoned without their host, if they expected to convince them by stale theories and metaphysical refinement. dians. There was another view of the subject in relation to agriculture, which he begged leave to submit. The fact seemed to be admitted on all hands, that, unless protec- Mr. S. would now dismiss this branch of the subject, tion be promptly extended to our woollen factories they on which he feared he had dwelt too long. The argumust inevitably sink. The most undoubted evidence is ment which seemed to be most relied upon was that upon our tables, of the determination of some of the most this measure would "destroy commerce. This argu extensive woollen factories in the union to wind up their ment Mr. S. considered as equally unfounded. It was a business, having suffered a loss of ten per cent. on their sound political axiom, that the prosperity of commerce capital during the last year. The capital interested in would always be in proportion to the prosperity of agrithese institutions is estimated at about eighty millions of culture and manufactures. This maxim was universal in dollars. Refuse to pass this bill, and you not only de-its application to this as well as in all other countries. stroy this immense capital, but you also destroy the There could be no greater error in political economy, market it supplies for millions, as your wool, flour, and than to suppose the policy which promoted the interest other agricultural productions, and at the same time, and prosperity of one of the great departments of national force this immense capital into agricultural pursuits, and industry, would destroy or injure any of the others. The compel the thousands of hands engaged in manufactures interests of all were so intimately and inseparately blendto become producers instead of consumers-rivals magri-ed together, that it was impossible to adopt a policy culture instead of customers: a result alike deplorable which would promote the interest and prosperity of one to the agriculturist and manufacturer, and by which we which would not promote the interest and prosperity of may be again doomed to witness in case of war, the dis- all. He asserted it as a general principle, sanctioned by graceful and humiliating spectacle of an American minister all experience, that the policy which gave successful acapplying to congress to suspend the non-intercourse to tivity to oue great branch of national industry, would enable us to receive from our enemy, blankets to cover soon mpart its beneficial and vivifying influence to all the our soldiers and fulfil our treaty stipulations with the In-rest. It was like the pebble cast upon the lake, which spread its undulations to the remotest shores. ComBut, sir, we are told that that this bill will create mo- merce was properly called the hand-maid of agriculture nopolies, and tax with a "monstrous" and "odious" taxa-and manufactures; her legitimate office was to carry and tion, the farmer, "for the benefit of a few overgrown ca- exchange the surplus productions of the world. If, by pitalists." This is the old and often refuted argument, your policy, you destroy your agriculture and manufacmere assertion which all the experience of this country tures, which are inseparably connected, you will destroy had disproved. The tendency of this policy was, Mr. the office of commerce-"Othello's occupation's gone" S. contended, precisely the reverse of his theory: it was and your commerce must sink into a common grave with to destroy monopolies, and to benefit the farmer: it would your agriculture and manufactures; they furnish the daily increase the number of woollen establishments; increase bread it feeds upon. Look to the history of all times, the quantity of the manufactured articles; increase com- past, and present; it furnishes a strong and unbroken petition; and of necessity diminish the price of the manu-chain of evidence in support of this position. Look to factured fabrics, while an increased demand for the raw Great Britain. That country furhished an illustrious exmaterial, and breadstuffs, would as inevitably enhance ample. Where will you find so great a manufacturing their value. For example, the woollen establishment at nation, yet where so great a commercial country as that? Steubenville, we are told, consumes annually $50,000 And who is so ignorant as not to know that she owes her worth of the agricultural produce of the surrounding commercial prosperity entirely to the prosperity of her country; if, by rejecting this bill, you should destroy that manufacturing institutions? Destroy her manufactures, establishment, what would be the effect on the farmers? and what becomes of her commerce, of her agriculture, It would not only destroy this market, but greatly of the nation? Sir, it is gone-inevitably gone; she canincrease the quantity of agricultural produce, by con- not survive the destruction of her manufactures a single verting customers into rivals; consumers into producers day; this was the vital spark which infused life and aniof agricultural produce. But suppose, sir, on the other mation into her whole system; and nothing was more hand, that, by passing this bill, you erect three other es-true than the declaration lately made in her parliament, tablishments at Steubenville, or in its vicinity, of equal that a contest for manufactures was a contest for "nationextent and Mr. S. had this morning received a letter al existence." What was it, sir, that enabled this little from a gentleman in that part of the country, stating that island to maintain a bloody contest of more than twenty he had an establishment which cost him $50,000, ready years with the collossal power of Napoleon, and finally to to go into operation in case this bill passed-suppose this triumph on the ever-memorable fields of Waterloo? and two others, of which he had personal knowledge, What enabled her during this period, to subsidize all Eushould go into operation, would this impose an odious tax rope, and support an army of four hundred thousand men? on the farmer, for the benefit of the manufacturer? Sir, it was the prosperous condition of her manufactures; Would this create monopolies? No, sir, precisely the by these she weilded a power, derived from labor-saving reverse; it would diminish the quantity, by withdrawing machinery, equal to two hundred millions of hands, and labor from agricultural production, while it would in- thus laid the world under contribution. How will you crease the demand in a three-fold degree, and reduce account for the ability of that nation to raise from her the price of the manufactured fabrics, by an increased people for the maintenance of this war, 7,038 millions of production of them. Thus, the price of agricultural pro- dollars-4,653 millions by taxes, and 2,070 millions by duce would be ineroased by an increased demand; and loans? Is it not attributable entirely to to the prospe 1 rous condition of her numerous and immense manufac- | One thing, Mr. S. said, seemed to be generally admitturing establishments? Yet we are told that manufactu- ted, that, unless the protecting arm of government was Fes are to "ruin commerce, tax agriculture, and destroy promptly extended to shield our woollen establishments, the revenue." As well might gentlemen tell us that which involved a capital estimated at eighty milhons of bread destructive to human life; or that the genial sun-dollars, their fate was certain and inevitable destruction. shine and refreshing showers are destructive to the vege- And this, in his judgment, would be but a trifling portion table kingdom. But suppose for a moment, contrary to of the public loss, when compared with the permanent all experience, that the establishment of manufactures injury which would be experienced by all the other great would injure commerce. Are we to be told that the in- and important interests of the nation. But gentlemen, terests of agriculture and manufactures are to be sacri- professing to be friendly to the object of this bill, contend ficed at the shrine of foreign commerce-an interest that the remedy proposed by it is inadequate to the end more favored and more protected than any other in the proposed. If so, why not propose a better? For his nation? Are we to be told that we must import grass part, he believed that the remedy provided by the bill and grain; import wool, agricultural produce, to keep was the best that could be devised. It was perfectly sicommerce and navigation employed? With the same milar in principle to that which proved so effectual for the propriety might gentlemen advise the Pennsylvania protection of our cotton establishments; it would doubtfarmer, whose grain is rotting in his barn, to send his less have the same effect applied to wool. His colleague wagon to Canada for a load of wheat, for the sake of urged the often refuted argument that this bill would keeping his team employed! lead to "frauds and smuggling." Why had it not this cfMr. S. said it had also been alleged by gentlemen that feet in the case of cottons, where the duties were as high, this measure would greatly diminish the revenue. This if not higher, than those proposed by this bill? It was as he denied; and expressed the opinion that it would great-easy to smuggle cotton as woollen goods; yet he never ly improve the revenue. What was lost on cloths, he heard any complaint on this score. The argument of contended, would be more than supplied by an increased frauds and smuggling,"however, was one of those geneimportation of other articles. The only plan to increase ral and common place objections, which operate alike your revenue is, by a wise and salutary system of legisla- against all duties, and all protection; for what duty was tion, to increase the prosperity of the country; to mcrease it that might not be as readily evaded by frauds and Its ability to purchase and consume foreign productions. smuggling, as the proposed dutygon woollens? This was Make the people rich and prosperous, and in the same a standing argument against all tariffs; and he was surproportion you will add to the revenue; depress the na-prised to hear it come from his colleague, who had always tional industry, destroy your agriculture and manufac-been friendly to the tariff policy. tures, and your commerce and your revenue must sink Other gentlemen contend that the present duties are with them. These he considered as sound principles of sufficiently high. This is, however, an argument against political economy, which were invariable and universal in fact and experience; our tables are loaded with the most their application. By way of illustration, Mr. S. refer clear and convincing proofs to the contrary. Why they rred to facts; At the woollen establishment at Steuben-were inadequate, it was not very material to inquire. If it ville, it appeared there was annually consumed $30,000 were, the reasons are sufficiently obvious. În the first worth of imported goods, such as paid the highest rate of place, the payment of the present duties are evaded by duties, groceries. coffee, tea, sugar, &c, paying into the those engaged in the trade, three fourths of which, at treasury at least $10,000 per annum. Abandon and de- least, was in the hands of British merchants and British stroy this, with the thousands of other establishments manufacturers, who, by false invoices, by importing the which contributed in like manner to the treasury, and cloths in an unfinished state, and by various other false what becomes of your revenue? By this destructive po- and fraudulent practices, defrauded the revenue, and licy you dry up the great springs and fountains which now evaded the duties. But what operated most against usreplenish your public coffers; you take away the business and it was a cause of a permanent character-was found and bread of thousands of your people; you destroy their to result from the changed condition of Europe. Lately, ability to contribute to your revenue by the consumption when all Europe was in arms, the British supplied the of foreign goods; they can no longer purchase teas and wants of the world, all the world were her customers, coffee, silks and crapes, but are compelled to seek a mi-and all the world paid her tribute. Since the restoration serable and scanty subsistence by the cultivation of the of peace, the continental powers of Europe had turned soil, without a market for the fruits of their labor. It is their attention from arms to the cultivation of the artsknown that since the tariff of 1824, the manufacturing es-the din of industry prevailed where lately was heard the tablishments of New England had greatly increased; and din of arms-they had every where introduced laborlast year, when your aggregate imports were greatly di-saving machinery; they had become rivals instead of cusfinished, the imports of Boston were six hundred thou-tomers; they had guarded themselves against British skill sand dollars more than they were the year before-a and British capital, not merely by protecting duties, but fact which showed most conclusively, that, by increasing your manufactures, you not only supply a market for your farmers, but you also increase both your commerce and your revenue, by the increased importation and consumption of foreign commodities. by whole systems of prohibitions. Russia, in 1823, had enacted a tariff recommended by count Nesselrode, containing no less than three hundred and forty prohibitions! France, Prussia, and Germany, had pursued a similar policy. These countries have already acquired a degree of It was the great increase of the manufacturing estab- skill and perfection, in the use of scientific power, that lishments in that district of country, that prevented the enabled them not merely to supply their own wants, but commerce and importations of Boston from experiencing to meet Great Britain in the fair and open field of coma decline similar to that felt in every portion of the union. petition, and to supplant her in the foreign markets. But if the manufacture of our cloths should have the ef- These evils were increasing, Great Britain cannot long feet to diminish the revenue, would gentlemen contend sustain the competition, for the most obvious reason; lathat it would be a wise policy to send millions of money bor pays in France but the one-third part of the taxes imabroad to purchase and import wool and woollen goods,posed on it in Great Britain; and agriculture being less for the sake of adding a few thousand dollars to our re-burdened, of course the means of subsistence were much venne? This principle, if followed out, would result in lower. establishing the general position, that, for the sake of re- The consequence is, that there is no longer a market for venue, we should import every thing, and produce noth-British fabrics; her manufactories must go down for want Ing. How long would such a system. last? It was as ab- of employment. Labor, says Mr. Peel, in the English surd in theory as it would be ruinous in practice. parliament, is compelled to subsist "on a half-pint of oat Gentlemen dread an excise; and why was an excise meal per day." And where is England to find employmore terrible than an impost? Were they not alike a ment for her starving and tax-ridden operatives? where tax upon consumption? The only difference was, that is she to find refuge from impending ruin. In war by the impost was paid on the consumption of foreign pro-withdrawing the attention of Europe from the arts, and ductions, and the excise was paid on the consumption of again engaging them in arms. England must have wars our own. Besides, an excise would have the valuable her manufacturers will be driven to desperation without and important effect of leading to economy in public ex-it. They now force their fabrics into our market at a sapenditures, and of checking all kinds of extravagance. crifice, because they can find a market no where else; and thus our woollen institutions must be rumed and destroyed, unless they can labor as low as the starving operatives of England; or unless the aid proposed by this bill is speedily afforded for their relief. Will gentlemen reject this bill, and withhold this relief! He appealed to the magnanimity, to the justice of the south, to say whether, after, by the application of the principle of this bill to cotton by which their planters had secured a home market for six or seven millions of dollars worth of their cotton annually, and received in exchange the manufactured fabrics at one half of what they before cost thern-whether they would now withhold a similar protection from the suffering wool and grain growers of Pennsylvania, for whom they professed so much friendship, who would obtain by this bill a similar market for their products, which were now excluded from Europe? It was to this protection, to this home market, home consumption policy alone, they could look for relief. He appealed to gentlemen representing the wool-growing, and grain raising states; would they vote, he asked, against this bill, and withhold this protection? Would they go home and tell their constituents that, when they had no market for their produce abroad, they should have none at home? That, though their grain was excluded from Europe, still they should be compelled to wear European wool, and support European labor, feeding upon European bread? That they would not protect our own establishments, our own markets, in the eastern states, which last year consumed 629,000 barrels of flour from the other states, together with wool and other agricultural produce, amounting to at least eight or ten millions per annum? Were gentlemen disposed to adopt such a course? For one, he was not, and never would be. that the adoption of this system alone would enable Messrs. McDuffie, Ingham, Cambreleng, and others, having spoken in reply, and against the billMr. Stewart again rose, and said that he had not intend❤ ed to trouble the house again on this subject; but he felt himself constrained by the remarks just made by his col league, and the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Cambreleng), to offer a few remarks in reply. He would vote against the motion of his colleague (Mr. Buchanan), to recommit the bill. Its recommitment at this late hour of the session, he contended, would be tantamount to its rejection. He had voted for the proposed duty on imported spirits, when offered as an amendment by the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Wickliffe); if offered as an amendment he would vote for it now If this object, however, were deemed so important, why had not his colleague re ferred the subject by resolution, to the committee on manufactures, while the subject was before them; or why was it not offered by his colleague (Mr. Stevenson), when the bill was in the committee of the whole, for amendment. He would suggest to his colleague whe ther he might not arrive at his object, if it were at all practicable, by having it introduced in the senate, and No country, Mr. S, affirmed, had ever flourished with- if it could not be introduced there, of course, it would out manufactures, and manufactures had never flourished be stricken out if introduced here. He, however, difin any country without protection; in few countries where fered with his colleague, who had declared that the the protecting duties as low as ours; in most countries proposed duty on imported spirits and hemp was more they were prohibitory. By this policy France had risen important than the duty on wool and woollens. Their like a Phoenix from the ashes of a wasting and desolating relative importance appeared from the imports of 1825. war of thirty years; her finances were now prosperous The importation of wool and woollens that year, amountand ample, her people industrious and happy; and every ed to about $12,000,000; while the importation of spirits branch of her industry protected, and successful. Look distilled from grain amounted to only $484,000, and at all powerful Russia, surrounding and guarding her in- hemp to $431,000; all other spirits amounted to $1,650,000; dustry with a rampart of three or four hundred prohibi- the whole less than one fourth of the importation of wool tions. Look, on the other hand, at the once powerful and woollens: hence, he thought himself justified in saying and proud, but now poor and prostrate Spain, who, by that his colleague had misapprehended the matter, when neglecting her own industry, and depending on foreign la- he had supposed the provisions of this bill less important bor for the supply of her wants, had become dependent, than the objects to which he had referred; but if the moand little better than a colony of France. Look at mise- tion prevailed, Mr. S. contended, that not only the bill, rable Ireland and Portugal, dependent on England. In but also the objects sought by the recommitment, would short, history furnishes no example of a nation adopting be lost. For this reason he would vote against the recom"the free trade" policy, neglecting their own national in-mitment, the object of which, if attainable at all, could be dustry, and depending upon the industry and skill of other attained elsewhere. But his colleague had taken occasion countries for the supply of their wants, that did not finally to declare that the bill under consideration would operate become dependent and tributary; and shall we not profit injuriously on the interests of Pennsylvania; and, that if Pennsylvania was true to herself she would vote against by these examples? this bill. Against this opinion Mr. S. earnestly protested-no state in the union was more deeply interested in the passage of this bill than Pennsylvania. It was by sustaining and increasing our home manufactures alone, that Pennsylvania is to obtain a market for her productions, now excluded from Europe by absolute prohibitions. Great Britain from whom we purchase about ten millions of dollars worth of wool and woollen goods, annually, takes in exchange from Pennsylvania, what? Nothing but cash. She takes not $50 worth of all her agricultural productions!! Yet we are told if Pennsylvania is true to herself she will oppose this bill; by so doing, in his judgment, she would be false to herself, false to her interest, and false to her uniform principles and policy. What state in the union had been so uniform, so consistent, so steady, and unwavering as Pennsylvania, in maintaining the principles and policy of this bill? None-look at her votes-look at the tariff of 1824, you will find but one solitary vote out of 26 against it: wherefore, then, this sudden revolution, this sudden change on this subject: he was at a loss to conjecture. The true policy of this country, Mr. S. said, was to make New England, instead of old England, the great theatre of our manufactures. They had the capital and their population had become sufficiently dense to justify its employment in this way. We shall thus create in our own country, an ample market for the consumption of the cotton and sugar of the South, and the wool and four of the middle and western states, which no longer found a market abroad. It will make the great sections of our confederacy mutually dependent on each other. It will bind and unite them together by the strong ties of interest and intercourse, combining all the elements of national prosperity-agriculture, manufactures, and commerce. These, with a good system of internal communications, would render our prosperity perfect, and our union indissoluble. This constituted what was properly and emphatically called the "American system of policy." It was a system he never would abandon, it was a subject on which he could make no compromise. He would be a traitor to the best interests of his country if he did. He would oppose those who were opposed to this system, and The gentleman from New York (Mr. Cambreleng), he would support those who supported it. His maxim was "measures and not men," a maxim from which he might make long and ingenious speeches, he might dead trusted he should never depart. This system was inti- in stale theories and metaphysical refinements as much as mately and inseparably connected with the best interests he pleased, but the real question could not be disguised. was All admit that there is at this moment a struggle of lite of the state from which he came, as he believed with those of the whole union. He was firmly convinced and death between the British and American manufac by saying that they put him in mind of "the house that Jack built." This is a reply unworthy of that gentleman. It is a reply that any body could make to any argument. It was his, Mr. S's, object, and the object of this bill, to sustain the houses the nation had built, which were about to fall by foreign fraud, if not by force, and which it was our duty as American statesmen to defend and uphold. farers, not for the foreign but for the American market. The contest is between New England and Old England, and the question is which side are we to take? Shall we save seventy or eighty millions of our own capital, and our own markets, for our own people, or sacrifice them for the benefit of foreigners, and foreigners who have shut their ports against us? The gentleman from New York (Mr. C.) hus called this a "New England bill," and from principles of "patriotism," he says is opposed to it. Sir, we are told that we must buy from Great Bri"It is immaterial," he says, to us whether we get our taim that she may buy from us. How is this matter? cloth from "Manchester or Boston." This may suit the Great Britain buy from us! what does she buy from the patriotism of the representative of a city where it is said middle and northern states? Sir nothing. Great Britain. three-fourths of the whole woollen business is in the hands from whom we bought in 1825, upwards of 42 millions of of British merchants and British manufacturers; but Mr. merchandise-$10,682,000 of it wool and woollens, took S. took his principles from another school. For he had in exchange of the agricultural produce of all the states been told in the course of the debate by a gentleman from north of the Potomac and Ohio an amount less than South Carolina (Mr. McDuffie) that there are two schools $500! and yet we are told by American statesmen, gentleof political economy-one headed by Adam Smith and the men, respecting these agricultural states, that we must other by Matthew Careya British and an American purchase wool (and why not flour too) from Great Bri school, and we are warned by that gentleman against giv-tain to induce her to purchase from us! I repeat it, and I ing up the sound doctrines of Smith, for what he is pleas- defy contradiction, for it is proved by our records, that in ed to call the "statistical nonsense of Mathew Carey." 1825 the whole exportations to England, Scotland, and Now, sir, although the views of Adam Smith and other Ireland from this country to feed and support their manuBritish writers may suit the purposes of the gentlemen facturers did not amount to two hundred dollars!! Sir, from New York and South Carolina, yet, said Mr. S. only $151!* Of four, rye, corn, wheat, oats, pulse-and they must give me leave to say that I would not give one every other species of grain, $88! Of all kinds of animal page of the "statistical nonsense" of Mathew Carey on food-beef pork, bacon, &c.-$34! And of all kinds of this subject, for all the theories of Adam Smith, and their drink-whiskey, gin, beer, cider, &c.-$29! With these long and learned speeches into the bargain. facts staring him in the face, the British minister himself But the gentleman from New York, after the exam-would blush to ask the grain growing states of the union -ple of the gentleman from South Carolina, has volunteer- to "buy from them that they might buy from us." Sir, I ed a grave lecture to the Pennsylvania delegation as to the would say to him as I now say to the gentleman from course they ought to pursue. He has told us of the taxes New York, the duties proposed by this bill on British and burdens this bill will impose on the farmers of Penn-wool and woollens, are too low. When Great Britain sylvania, and their wives and daughters; now, sir, I have resorts to prohibition I will countervail her policy by a only to say for one, that when I want advice upon this sub-like resort to prohibition. If she prohibits our flour and ject I will not go to the representative of the commercial provisions, I will prohibit her wool and woollens. We city of New York for it, to Adam Smith, or the British can live as independently of her as she can of us. If she chancellor, Mr. Huskisson. He could assure the gentle- will take but $151 worth of our bread and meat to feed man that the Pennsylvania farmers and their wives and her manufacturers, I will take but $151 worth of her daughters understand their own concerns quite as well as wool and woollens. I will go to New England or Steu he could tell them. Sir, let the gentleman go with me benville and buy from those who will buy from me and into the interior and western parts of Pennsylvania, amid who will gladly give us cloth in exchange for our provi the ruins of our once flourishing manufactories. Let him sions and wool. That the cotton growing states of the ask the farmers what would be the effect of restoring these south should advocate the consumption of British goods establishments. Sir, they will inform him that instead is not surprising when we advert to the fact that in the of taxing them it will add 100 per cent. to the value of same year, 1825, Great Britain bought more than their fans, that it will revive and reanimate every branch $3,000,000 worth of southern cotton, and more than of industry, and enable their wives and daughters again to $3,000,000 of their tobacco and rice, and this single fact purchase and consume foreign goods, and thus enrich the explains the whole secret of their hostility to this bill. public treasury. From letters just received by Mr. S. The farmers of the northern and middle states must he was informed that several extensive woollen establish-wear English wool, because England consumes southern ments in the west, if the protection afforded by this bill cotton! The clamour about destroying the revenue, ruinwere granted, would again be put in operation and again ing commerce, and taxing the farmer, was all well enough diffuse their benefits and blessings on the surrounding to fill up a speech. But the gentleman from New-York country. The consumption of foreign goods and groce- (Mr. Cambreling) deceived himself if he supposed the ries, paying the highest rates of duties, at all these manu- farmers of Pennsylvania were to be carried away by such facturing establishments was immense, and would more arguments. They were an intelligent class of men who than supp'y all the loss of revenue by the non-importation viewed the subject practically, and who could not be deof woollens. Hace he contended that the universal as-ceived in relation to it. Sir, the farmers of Pennsylvania sumption that this measure would impair the revenue was and New-York know that it is better for them, and betfounded in error. Experience showed that the importa- ter for the nation to save the ten millions a year which tions, and of course the revenue paid, last year, by the is now sent abroad for woollens and to get them at our manufsevering cities of the east was greatly increased, own manufacturing establishments by an exchange of while the revenue and importations of other parts of the union had bengcenty 'diminished. The arguments that this bill will destroy the revenue, destroy commerce, and tax the farmer, are at alike; they are against all experience. The poly who will enrich the county will enrich your treasury is enabling the people to purchase and con sunte foreign cods. By promoting the prosperity of one great bra. Ch of national industry you promote all the rest. *A gentleman in Pennsylvania has written us a letter finding fault with this statement, and of the uses that we ourselves have made of it-He says that flour to the amount of $108,142, and Indian corn to the value of $364, were exported to England in 1825. We cannot refer to the document just now, or give up the room to the subject which it deserves if further entered into, but we shall probably take an early opportunity to allow Sir, the plain question is, shall we abandon our manu- our correspondent all the advantage which his sugfactures, and our agri uitars, and import agricultural pro-gestions will afford. Instead of 151 dollars, as the ductions---wool and woollens from Great Britain, whose policy now cotapels her people to starve before they dare constuce a monthfai of Americon bread, or American meat, though it were offered to them for nothing? It is made by their laws a penal offence to do so. Sir, this is the question, and gentlenen cannot esen e from it. The gentleman from South Carolina, (Mir, McDate), adroitly attempts to evade the arguments which he cannot meeting prohibited. products of our farmers exported to England, the nount, it seems, is $105,657, in return for the many miitons of her manufactures which they consume! The difference, however, perhaps, is in the terms used. Was the our “exported" to England used to "feed and support" the English people? It was allowed to be imported only “on hond" for exportation—the domestic consumption bé equivalents, by exchanging wool and flour for cloth. I the price, and ruin the consumers by increasing the They know, sir, that last year N. England imported and price. Mr. S. would not attempt to answer arguments consumed upwards of $3,000,000 worth of the flour of so opposite. They answered each other and were thus Pennsylvania and the other grain growing states with an neutralized and refuted. equal amounto other provisions, while Old England took As to the argument of his colleague, (Mr. Ingham), that not a mouthful to feed her half starved operatives. They smuggling would be promoted-it was an argument know, sir, that the object of this bill is to create and sus- against all tariffs. The existing revenue duties on teas, tain a home market for the consumption of our own agri- coffee, &c. were much higher than the proposed duties on cultural produce which no longer finds a market abroad. wool and woollens, yet we hear no complaint or objection They know that if this bill fails these manufactures and to them on account of smuggling, though every body this market, with the millions of capital invested in then, would admit that it was much easier to smuggle tea and are gone-are lost to the nation, and that the British, hav-coffee than it would be to smuggles wool and woollen ing thus triumphed over the American manufacturers, goods. The facilities for smuggling woollens, it is said, will demand whatever prices they please for their goods, are great in this country on account of the great extent of when the competition is crushed and put down. And, our maritime frontier, and were not, he would ask, the sir, will the representatives of these farmers of these wool same facilities afforded for smuggling every other species and grain growing states, promote this result by refusing of goods? But he denied that these facilities were as this protection? He hoped not-for one, he would not. great here as those existing in other nations separated Other gentle nen might entertain different views, but from each other, not by oceans, but by rivers and such with his convictions he would feel himself a traitor to other boundaries as separated the states of this union: yet, the best interests of his constituents if he voted to em- even with these great facilities for smuggling, we see these barrass or defeat this measure-a measure which he re-nations protecting themselves against each other, not by garded as more important to the agricultural interest of high duties merely, but by absolute prohibitions,-prohi Pennsylvania than any provision that ever had been, or bitions were common in the tariffs of France, England, ever could be introduced into any tariff. It would create Russia, Prussia, and indeed in every country were manufor Pennsylvania a permanent market for her wool and facturers had ever flourished. Some of these tariffs conprovisions, similar to that furnished to the cotton of the tained more than 300 prohibitions. south by the protection extended in 1816, to the manufactures of cotton, amounting to about 7 millions of dollars per annuta. But the gentleman from New-York has said that the importation of manufactured cotton was greater since 1816 than for a number of years before. This might be true, and still it proved nothing, for our importations were, we all know, for a long time prior to that period interrupted by non-intercourse, embargo and war. Before he concluded Mr. S. begged leave to say a word in reply to his colleague, (Mr. Buchanan), who contended that the commencement of the duties on wool and on woollen goods should be simultaneous, and this was one of the objects of the proposed recommitment. In this also he differed in opinion with his colleague. The only way to create a market for our own wool was to sustain and increase our woollen manufactures by affording them adequate protection and encouragement. [Mr. Cambreleng explained by saying he did not con- To stop the importation of the raw material at once, fine himself to that period-Mr. S. continued. It mat- would leave them without an adequate supply; when our tered not, he sail: the material fact was not denied by flocks were sufficiently increased, when the necessary the gentleman, that we now not only supply our own capital has been invested, and when our establishments market with better coarse cottons, at half their former have got into fair and successful operation, then the duty price, but actually export large quantities to foreign mar-will, according to the provisions of the bill, fall down upon kets, where we meet the British manufacturer on equal the foreign wool and exclude it, when the country has terms, and compete with him successfully. And so it acquired a capacity to furnish it to the extent required. would be with reference to woollens, if adequate protec- He therefore thought the postponement of the increased tion were afforded by the passage of this bill. He defi-duty on wool for a year or two was a wise and necessary ed gentlemen to show why the same policy which enables provision-when he expressed this opinion, however, he us to supply ourselves and export cottons, would not was far from concurring in the opinion expressed by his have the same effect with respect to woollens. When colleague, (Mr. Ingham), that the whole United States the duties of 1816 were imposed for the protection of did not furnish at present a supply of fine wool sufficient cotton manufactures, precisely the same arguments were to make a suit of clothes for each member in this house; urged from all quarters against that measure, that we now on the contrary he knew of two flocks, west of the Ohio, hear reiterated against this. Gentlemen from the south which alone furnished wool of the finest quality, fine told us then, as they tell us now, that the duties were pro- enough for any member, sufficient, and more than suffihibitory, that they would destroy the revenue, destroy cient to furnish each five full suits of clothes annually! commerce, tax the whole community, establish monopoMr. S. said he would notice one other remark of the lies, &c. But experience has proved in that case, as it gentleman from S. C. (Mr. McDuffie), and he had done. would in this, that these objections were unfounded. The hon. gentleman from S. C. has said that the course The effects were precisely the opposite of those anticipat-I am pursuing in supporting this measure, (in his opied-it increased commerce, reduced the price of cottons nion, so injurious to the revenue), was a course calculatone half, and furnished the planters of the south an an- ed to destroy what he is pleased to call my "hobby," innual home market for 54 millions of pounds of their cot-ternal improvement-sir, the tariff policy is not less a ton. These were facts, and facts which could not be contro-hobby of mine than internal improvements these are hob. verted or denied. bies that run together, they pull the same way-they are If the arguments of gentlemen opposed to this bill united, inseparably united They constituted, together, were well founded it must be a ruinous measure indeed the grand "American system" and they must stand or -several gentlemen had laboured to demonstrate that it fall together. The tariff was to furnish a market by eswould ruin the manufacturers which it professed to re-tablishing manufactures at home, to consume the raw lieve, by administering a dangerous and excessive stimu- materials and bread stuffs of the middle and western lus to the branch of industry, that capital would be every states, which he had already shewed were absolutely exwhere attracted to it, that the business would be over eluded from Europe by prohibitory laws, and the system done, the market glutted with woollen goods, that prices of internal improvement was to facilitate by good roads would consequently fall below what they now were, and and canals the intercoure resulting from this state of thus the manufacturer would himself be ruined by this things-to facilitate the exchange of the productions of measure-while other gentlemen, on the same side, con- the agricultural states for the productions of the manutend that it will ruin the farmers, and tax enormously the facturing states, thus binding the union together by the whole community by increasing the price of the woollen strong ties of interest, of intercourse, and of mutual defabrics, that it will create odious monopolies, &c. all for pendence. The south, Mr. S. said, would ultimately the benefit of a few wealthy manufacturers! One gentle- have to unite in this great system, when the cottons of man (Mr. Archer). with great ingenuity had supported in Egypt, the Indies, and South America shall have driven a long and elaborate argument both of those positions, and them too from the European market; a period rapidly had succeeded in proving, no doubt to his own satisfaction, approaching, for gentlemen say they are now compelled that this bill would ruin the manufactures by diminishing to sell at a loss; they two will then be advocates of this |