Abstract of Tonnage Concluded. REGISTERED. ENROLLED & LICENSED. LICENSED UNDER 20 TS. Aggregate of each District, Tons. 95th. Tons. 95th. Tons. 95th. Tons. 95th. Tons. 95th. Tons. 95th. Tons. 95th. 1,418 47 27,055 91 200 48 7,454 76 1,249 16 200 48 3,295 74 69 36 69 36 926 27 St. Mary's 332 15 180 08 Miand, Ohio Cuyahoga Sandusky Michilimacinack 614,999 73 85,788 30 644,058 00 13,841 09 53,588 43 10,836 17 1,423,111 77 Recapitulation of the tonnage of the United States, for the year 1825. The aggregate amount of the tonnage of the United States, on the 31st December, 1825, is stated at 1,423,111 77 Whereof permanent registered tonnage Of the enrolled and licensed tonnage, employed in the coasting trade, amounting, as above stated, to 580,273 07 tons, there were employed in steam navigation, 23,061 02 tons. Treasury department, register's office, February 10, 1827. VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. FURTHER PROCEEDINGS ON MR. GILE'S RESOLUTIONS. (Concluded from page 139.) Gen. Taylor offered the following substitute for the report and resolutions, inserted in page 135. JOSEPH NOURSE, Register. laying in the said state, thereafter sold by congress, (af ter all expenses incident to the same), should be applied to the laying out, and making turnpike, or other roads, from the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic to the Ohio, and continued afterwards through the state of Upon the question, "whether the several laws passed Ohio-such roads to be laid out by the authority of conby the general government, for the purpose of internal gress, with the consent of the states through which the improvements, do not assert or involve a jurisdiction roads should pass." This condition was supported by over the territory of this commonwealth, beyond the most of the members of congress from this state; and the grants to that government, specified in the constitution act containing it, which finally passed both houses of conof the United States," your committee have bestowed the gress, and received the sanction of the president, was most respectful consideration. They find that the first probably the foundation of the system of internal imexercise of such a power by the general government, took provement, which has been subsequently attempted. place in the year 1802, during the administration of Mr. The assertion, at that period, of this power in the geneJefferson, and grew out of a report made to the house of ral government, by the illustrious man who had been rerepresentatives of the United States, by a committee, cently elevated to the presidency, and by the distinguishupon the subject of admitting a new state into the union. ed citizens, who constituted the majoritics of both house In that report, it was recommended, as one of the con- of congress, could not fail to attract the particular obser ditions upon which the territory, north west of the Ohio,vation of the committee. No such power had been at(now the state of Ohio), should be admitted into the tempted to be exercised during the preceding adminis union, "that one tenth part of the proceeds of the lands (trations of the government; and the change of the last of ers, The ex them had been effected mainly by those politicians, who constitution, and who was afterwards elevated to its advocated the strictest construction of all the grants of highest office, that, "The states that are most advanced in. federal power. After the passage of this act, and in pur-population, and ripe for manufactures, ought to have their suance of the provision before specified, the act for the particular interest attended to in some degree; while these establishment of the Cumberland road passed; and the states retained the power of making regulations of trade, general assembly of Virginia, at the session of 1806, they had the power to cherish and protect such institu only seven years after it had been engaged in a most pro- tions. By adopting the constitution, they have thrown found and luminous investigation of the proper construc- the exercise of this power into other hands; they must tion and true extent of the powers of the federal govern- have done this with an expectation that those interests ment, passed an act giving the most explicit sanction of would not be neglected here.” At this time, and for this state to the extension of the road through a part of thirty years afterwards, the power of congress to protect its limits. During the same administration, various other domestic manufactures, seems never to have been quesinstances of the assertion and exercise of this power tioned. In the message of Mr. Jefferson in 1802, he res occurred; such as, i, the opening of a road from Georgia commends to congress, "to protect the manufactures in the route to New Orleans; 2, a road through the In-adapted to our circumstances." In that of 1803, he saye dian territory, from the Mississippi to the Ohio, 3, a that, "the establishments, formed and forming, will, un road from Nashville to Natchez; (all under an act of der the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the 1806;), 4, a road from New Orleans to the Balize; 5, freedom of labour froth taxation with us, and protecting one to Rapids; 6, one in the route from Athens to New duties and prohibitions, become permanent.» In the Orleans, (under an act of 1807), and 7, the extension of messages of Messrs. Madison and Monroe, protection the canal of Carondolet to the river Mississippi, by the of our domestic manufactures is more urgently and fre act of February 10, 1809. In the administrations of Mr. quently recommended. Madison and Mr. Monroe, the power was also asserted Under these circumstances, in deference to long usage, on several occasions; and the former, in his last message and to the opinions of men of the first character, of dis to congress, says. "I particularly invite again their at- tinguished talents, and of known patriotism; (opinions tention to the expediency of exercising their existing pow-sanctioned by the people, through a long continued apand where necessary, of resorting to the prescribed probation of these illustrious men), your committee beg mode of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a compre-leave to decline the expression of any opinion, whether hensive system of roads and canals; such as will have the exercise of the powers before mentioned, be contrathe effect of drawing more closely together every part of ry to the provisions of the constitution, or not. our country, by promoting intercourse and improve-pression of such an opinion by the general assembly, to ments, and by increasing the share of every part, in the use its own language on a former memorable occasion, common stock of national prosperity." "ought never to be interposed in a hasty manner, or on a doubtful inferior occasion. For, in the case of an inti mate and constitutional union, like that of the United States, the interposition of the parties in their sovereign capacity can be called for, by occasions only, deeply and essentially affecting the vital principles of their political system-such an interposition can only be required, in the case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise of powers not granted by it. It must be a case not of a light and purposes for which the constitution was established. It must be a case moreover, not obscure or doubtful in its construction, but plain and palpable. Lastly, it must be a case, not resulting from a partial consideration, or hasty determination, but a case stamped with a final consideration and deliberate adherence." Although your committee are of opinion that the first of these powers has been sometimes claimed to an extent not contemplated in the constitution, they are not prepared to say, that in the claim or exercise of either power, there has been any such "deliberate, palpable and dangerous breach of the constitu tion," as to require the interposition of the legislature. They believe that the wisdom of the people, their vi gilant regard of the powers not delegated to their rulers, and their ardent devotion to the principles of the constitution, will, in their ordinary elections, and by the sure op eration of public opinion, bring about a correction of whatever abuses may exist. And therefore, the committee will ask to be discharged from the further consideration of the subject. At the session of 1816, the general assembly passed resolutions, (recommended by the board of public works, of which, some of our most distinguished citizens, and most zealous supporters of the rights of the states, were members), requesting the aid of the general government in making a further extension of the Cumberland road through this state, and also in opening a communication between the waters of Jackson and Kanawha rivers. It does not appear that on the adoption of these mea-transient nature, but of a nature dangerous to the great sures, the constitutional question was discussed; but more recently, it has been frequently debated in both houses of congress. Upon every such occasion, where that question was alone involved, decided majorities, composed of men from every quarter of our extensive country, among whom are to be found the names of Lowndes, Jackson and Calhoun, have affirmed the grant of this power by the constitution of the United States. The legislature of Virginia has recently and solemanly maintained the contrary opinion. It appears, therefore, to be one of those questions of construction, about which great and good men may differ; as unquestionably, such men holding the first place, in the confidence and affections of their countrymen, have differed in opinion. The committee have bestowed the like consideration on the following enquiry, "whether the law, generally called the tariff law, does not violate the rights of private property, by taking it from its owner, and giving it to another person, neither rendering public service." Upon a most careful review of the constitution of the United States, in the eighth section of the first article, the com- This course will appear the more proper, when it is mittee find an enumeration of certain specified powers recollected, that the exercise of the powers complained granted to the government of the United States, The of, originated under administrations, enjoying in a high defirst specification is in the following words: Artist, scc. gree, the confidence and affection of Virginia; that, during 8. "The congress shall have power; 1st, to lay and col- a period of twenty years, while these measures were, lert taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts from time to time, under consideration, and in progress, and provide for the common defence and general wel- the voice of her legislature was never raised in opposition fare of the United States, but all duties, imposts and ex- to them; that on the contrary, it solemnly sanctioned the cises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." 31, power of internal improvement, upon two occasions under "Toregulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the administrations of Jefferson and Madison; that the prothe several states, and with the Indian tribes." Under tection of manufactures, not only by duties, but even by prothese provisions, at the first session of the first congress hibitions, was carnestly recommended to congress by those under this government, on the 4th July, 1789, under the great men; that the present tariff law was frequently atadministration of Washington, the father of his country, tempted, and finally passed, under the administration of the first tariff law, or act laying duties, was enacted. In the venerable Monroe; and that having at the last sesthe preamble it is expressly stated, among other things, sion, immediately upon the accession of a new administhat they were designed to protect and encourage manu-tration, to whose election this state was opposed, passed factures. In the discussion upon this law, it was distinct-resolutions declaring that congress did not possess the ly asserted by Mr. Madison, who had acted so conspicu- powers before mentioned, the renewed expression of ous a part in the formation and adoption of the federal that opinion by this assembly, might excite, among sister states, jealousies and imputations unworthy of the motives, the principles and the character of Virginia. Resolved therefore, That the committee be discharged from the further consideration of the matters referred to [Which substitute with the resolution, was rejected by a large majority.] them. nia. every object of taxation is within its reach, and many with- "We yield to no one, in respect for, or attachment to, We have but a few remarks to offer. We shall give an extract from one of Mr. Giles' speeches in congress. That gentleman, on introducing his original resolutions, proposed to make a "VIRGINIA inquiry.” Why might not a Delaware inquiry, a Mississippi inquiry, a Missouri inquiry, or an Illinois inquiry be as well instituted? Though these states have only one re"The great error attending the investigation of the presentative each in the house of representatives, they have equal power in the senate, which is the "controuling powers bestowed by the constitution on the national gopower," of this government with mighty Virginia. Nay, vernment, and what has given rise to a fastidious opposiwe should smile if a legislature of Ohio, should speak of tion to the beneficial exercise of some of those powers, an Ohio inquiry, though Ohio has probably about half as is, that it has been viewed as a foreign, distinct and sepamany more of the people of the United States as Virgi-rate government. Were we to look exclusively to the And as to the special subject of internal improve-written constitutions of each, the conclusion would be a ments, the legislature of Virginia, in 1808, asked the aid just one, but our whole system is anomalous-history of the general government to cut a canal from Elizabeth furnishing nothing analogous to it. The same population river to Currituck sound! And what are these resolu- constitutes the national government and the government tions about which so much noise has been made? Mr. of the respective states: Hence the improbabilty that in Dromgoole introduced like ones last year:* they were the interpretation of the powers of the former, the rights passed and died-Pennsylvania having passed other re- of the latter should be overlooked or violated. If the history of our country, from the commencement solutions which laughed them to death; and why they are now revived we cannot suppose. And what are such re- of the revolutionary war to the present day, did not consolutions? They have become so common, that no one tradict the supposition of the power of any form of the cares for them. On great occasions, the states ought to general government, thus constituted, being exercised so act-but such perpetual action, such creations of a "CRI-as to oppress the respective states, is not the idea too presis-such calls of "wolf, wolf, wolf," when there is no posterous, to suppose that the representatives from the wolf, renders persons indifferent when the wolf may real- several states, in congress, should look with indifference upon the exercise of powers, by the general government, ly come. The governor of Maryland, Mr. Kent, in the execu-under the authority of that body, calculated to oppress tive message, sent to both houses at the meeting of the last general assembly, had the following remarks. Let those argue them down who can! We adopt them, in preference to any thing that Mr. Giles or Mr. Randolph furnished on this subject. They are common sense and practicable: the people of the respective states? Would they, as citi- "The subject of the resolution, (No. 11), is so very important, and opens to the imagination such sublime views "If, under the authority to "regulate commerce," light 2nd prospects of the immense and incalculable benefits, to be derived from the adoption and vigorous prosecu-houses may be built; and bars and other obstructions retion of a judicious system, embracing all those great schemes of improvement, which from their magnitude most appropriately belong to the sphere of action of the general government, (leaving to the respective states the accomplishment of such local improvements, as may be required by their wants, and within the achievment of their more limited means), that we cherish the hope and entertain the belief, that such a system will be adopted at no distant period. moved from the mouths and beds of rivers, and sea walls erected-if, in short, it be admitted, that the works of nature may be at all changed, with a view to promote and facilitate the operations of commerce or war-how can it be denied, that, for the same purposes, roads may be graduated and turnpiked, or intervening mountains "cut through to connect water courses?-as is contemplated in that great work, the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, which is of so much importance in a national, as well as local "We are aware that the authority over this subject, as-point of view, and is at this time, justly exciting an inte serted by the general assembly to be constitutionally vest-rest so deep and extensive; and which is of such a chaed in congress, is denied and strenuously contested, by many distinguished statesmen of the day, who entertain "The board of public works, created at the last sesthe opinion that the power cannot be exercised without a violation of the rights of the states. With all the respect sion, being charged with the superintendence and mafor this opinion that a personal acquaintance with, and the nagement of all improvements to be executed or patronfullest confidence in, the ability, patriotism and integrityized by the state, and generally, with all the interests and of some of those who entertain it, is calculated to inspire, it appears to us, that the power has been too long exercised, and the practice of the government too uniform and firmly settled and sanctioned, both by congress and the people, now to be questioned. racter and magnitude as to preclude a hope of its being concerns of this great subject, and with the special duty of reporting fully to you, during the second week of your session, all their proceedings. We will not encroach upon their province, by entering into any detail upon this interesting topic, but conclude this brief and general view Government ought to be administered upon fixed of it, with an assurance that we are duly impressed with its principles. The good of the country as well as prudence, transcendant importance, and that we shall at all times take require that there should be a period when disputed ques-great pleasure in co-operating with you in the promotion tions, after repeated and thorough investigation, should of all proper objects of improvement, and in carrying be put to rest; and we are not without ample and high into effect, so far as may depend on us, every work that authority for this assertion. That the right of the gene-you may authorize and provide for." ral government to exercise the power mentioned in the resolutions, has been fully and ably discussed on various occasions, in congress, and decided in its favor is undeniable. The national government possesses the power to tax the people to any extent; and shall it be contended, that, after having exhausted the resources of the states, (for *See Vol. XXX, page 38. Extract from the proceedings and debates in the house of into the Atlantic, to the Ohio, and continued afterwards through the state of What is the object of this bill, Mr. Chairman? It is the encouragement of the growth and manufacture of wool at home, and to prevent its importation from abroad. It is to create a home market for our farmers; a safe and a sure one, which no changes in Europe can affect. It is to prevent the importation of the agricultural produce of foreign countries, to the neglect and ruin of our own. For what, he enquired, is the importation of cloth, but the importation of agricultural produce? Is not cloth the product of agriculture. Analyze it; resolve it into its constituent elements, and what is it? Wool and labor. What produces the wool? Grass and grain. And what more, and scarcely that. Thus cloth is composed of the grass and grain that feed the sheep, and the bread and meat that supports the laborer who converts the wool into "So far as relates to Virginia, the simple effect of this cloth. And are we to be told that it is the policy of this resolution will be, to form a road over a mountainous coun-country, where seven-eights of the whole population are try. Mr. G. said, he was himself as little interested as agriculturalists, thus to import annually eight or ten milthe gentleman from Connecticut. Yet, where measures lions of dollars worth of grass and grain, and bread and were devised, whose great object was the general benefit, meat, converted into cloth, and that, too, from the starvthough they might be attended with local advantages, he ing and miserable countries of Europe, while our own are had no objection to them. He believed, the state of Ma-rotting on our hands? Sir, this is the policy we are purryland, the Federal City, Alexandria, Baltimore, and suing, and its continuation is advocated by the opponents Philadelphia, would be most benefitted by facilitating an of this bill. That the importation of cloth is the importa interchange of commodities. tion of agricultural produce, may be regarded as a novel doctrine; and to assert that thousands of tons of grass and corn are annually transported from Ohio and Kentucky, strange; but it was not less true. It was transported, "He further believed, that the devoting one-tenth of not in its rude and original shape, but, like the cloth, in a the proceeds of the lands, to the laying out new roads, changed and modified condition. It was animated, conwould be, in fact, no relinquishment on the part of the U.verted into live stock, cattle, and horses. Each one of States, as the lands would thereby, be greatly enhanced these animals carried five or six tons of hay, and fifty or in value. If, however, it shall be thought that this sum one hundred bushels of corn, for consumption, to the will be better applied in the opening roads in the interior markets of the east, which it is the policy of this bill to sustain and increase. Hence he contended that it was a of the state, he should have no objection to that. "Mr. Giles, in opposition, said, he was sorry there was any part of the report that had a local aspect-but this was unavoidable. Local considerations were often necessarily blended with principles of general utility. He recollected the passage of several bills for the erection of light-houses; though he did not recollect how many of these were raised at the public expense on the Connecticut shore. Considering them as useful, though they had a local effect, he had always voted for them. He would also mention certain circumstances attending the aiding of the fisheries to the eastward, to which certain benefits were attach-supports labor but bread and meat? In Europe it got no ed that were derived from the contributions of other parts of the union. Yet he had always voted for them, notwithstanding their local application. "Mr. G. said, he considered the circumstances of connecting the different parts of the union, by every tie, as well of liberal policy, as of facility of communication, high-to the Atlantic markets, would be considered as no less ly desirable. "The gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Griswold), bill for the benefit of agriculture. There was no founaffects lately to have discovered a great deal of disguisedation for the objection urged by gentlemen, that it would " This argument in the proceedings of this house. What disguise? What "tax the farmer and ruin agriculture. were the committee to do? This country is placed in a had been urged a thousand times against this policy. It certain peculiar situation. We have waters running to was urged against the minimum of twenty-five cents per This the cast--they to the west; and the committee thought it yard, imposed by the tariff of 1816, upon cotton. was desirable to connect these hy good roads. With the principle was then ably and successfully advocated by his Committee, state principles or interest had no influence; colleague, (Mr. Ingham), whom he was sorry to find, opthey were governed entirely by general principles, and posed it now. the common interest. The gentlemen has also insinuated, that the secretary of the treasury holds lands that will be benefitted by these reads. It may be so. Mr. G. had not inquired; but he supposed he did not hold all the lands. Congress may lay out these rouds as they please. He could not foresee how congress would lay them out, and it is a million to one, that they will not touch his lands. What had been the effect of the minimum duty imposed upon cotton? It had afforded effectual protection in that case, as it would in this. It had established the manufactures in this country; and had this taxed the farmer? No. It had the opposite effect; it furnished the country a better fabric, for one half the sum it cost before. This would Nor was this all. It had supplied a not be denied. home market to the southern planters for one hundred "The United States are about making a new contract. and eighty thousand bales of cotton last year, worth six These propositions are made as additional securities for or seven millions of dollars; and this market was not only the national property. The secretary of the treasury, permanent, but increasing, thus verifying every anticipa having estimated the annual product of these lands attion of its friends, and furnishing a most triumphant refu400,000 dollars, Mr. G. said, as chairman of the commit-tation of every objection urged by its enemies. It furnishtee, he had applied to him to know his opinion of the man-ed facts and experience, in opposition to speculation and ner in which the sum could be best secured; and he gave his opinion, that this provision would be most likely to effect that object. This is all the mystery and disguise attending the resolution.” With this we conclude our history of Mr. Giles' resoIntions. theory. And would not similar effects result from a similar policy adopted in regard to wool? Why not? He defied ingenuity itself to furnish a distinction. What was required to convert cotton into cloth? Capital and labor. And what was required to convert wool into cloth? The same capital and labor. Then, if the capacity of the country for the production of the raw material is equal in DEBATE ON THE WOOL BILL. both cases, its capacity for the manufacture of the cloth HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEB. 1, 1827. in both cases must be equal. This could not be controThe bill for the protection of the woollen manufactu-verted. But he contended that the capacity of the counrers having been read a third time, and the question being on its passage try for the production of wool was greater than its capacity for the production of cotton. Cast your eyes abroad Mr. Stewart rose in defence of the bill. He supported over the union, he said, and scarecly a state is to be found it on the ground that it was a bill for the benefit of agri- which is not, in a greater or less degree, adapted to the culture. In his opinion, no state in the union had a deep-production of wool; yet how few do you find adapted to er interest in its success than that which he had the honor the culture of cotton. in part to represent. In supporting this measure, he regretted to find himself placed in opposition to two of his most distinguished colleagues, (Messrs. Ingham and Buchanan), with whom he had co-operated, with great pleasure, in support of the tariff of 1824. That bill was not more important, in his judgment, to the agricultural interest of Pennsylvania, than the bill under consideration. If this view of the subject, then, said Mr. S. be correct, it follows as an inevitable consequence, that the protection proposed by this bill, so far from taxing agriculture, will have the same effect produced in the case of cotton-to diminish the price of the manufactured article, and at the same time furnish a permanent home market, not only for millions of wool, annually, but also for the flour and |