MATRIMONIAL. The "Boston Courier" says, a respectable citizen handed to us yesterday for publication, a notice of marriage, by one of the clergymen of the city, of a man of colour to a white girl. We have no doubt of the fact, though we forbear publishing the names of the parties, till we have had time to inquire more particularly into the circumstances attending so shameful a violation of the laws of the commonwealth, as well as of the common feelings of humanity. The marriage act of 1786, section 7, enacts

The head of water by which it is intended to propel the wheel, is 3 feet. On this first trial, however, the head was only 9 inches, and the gate raised 2 inches. With this force, the wheel moved majestically, operating upon two double forcing pumps of 144 inches diameter each, and propelling the water through a raising main of 20 inches diameter, 850 feet in length, and 93 feet perpendicular height, with a facility which astonished all who witnessed the interesting sight.

In addition to this wheel now ready for operation, we That no person by this act authorized to marry, shall understand that the company have nearly completed a join in marriage any white person with any negro, Indian steam engine of one hundred horse power; thus putting or mulatto, on penalty of the sum of fifty pounds, two to rest all doubts which have heretofore been entertained third parts thereof to the use of the county wherein such as to the success of the important works, in which they offence shall be committed, and the residue to the prose-have been engaged. For it must be remarked, that the eutor, to be recovered by the treasurer of the same county, successful application of the mechanical power in the in manner as aforesaid; and all such marriages shall be ab-present instance, shows that, by the increase of the same means, the whole of the waters of the Swatara and Quitsolutely null and void. tapahilla can be carried to the summit.

MANSLAUGHTER. A curious trial came on at the last Columbia circuit court. Capt. Moore, of the steam boat Olive Branch, was indicted for manslaughter. A Mr. Dickie, while the hands were lowering the boat to take him ashore, was thoughtless enough to jump in and capsize her, and he was drowned. They might just as well have indicted the man who built the boat, or the farmer who grew the hemp for the tackle, as capt. Moore. Of course he was acquitted. [N. Y. Ing.

PROGRESS OF STEAM. A few years since the Paragon, then the swiftest steam-boat on the Hudson, made her passage from Albany to New York in twenty-seven hours, which was pronounced a "remarkably short" one; now there are two boats on the river, which perform the distance in about twelve hours. The New York Enquirer says "perhaps nothing can place in a stronger point of view the velocity of these boats than the fact, that when they are at the top of their speed, and are going in opposite directions, they will pass each other at the rate of a mile in two minutes, being a degree of swiftness rarely witnessed even on a race-course!" [N. Y. paper. The steam boat Tecumseh, arrived at Lousville from New Orleans in nine days and four hours, having lost one whole night and part of another, by fog-distance 1500 miles.

THE ROYAL FAMILY OF BRITAIN. Mr. Hume calculated, lately, in the British house of commons, that the amount of the sums on the British pension list, paid to the different junior branches of the royal family, was 234,000 pounds sterling, in addition to the £1,200,000 for the king.

[Harrisburg Chron.

NEW YORK. The legislature of this state adjourned on the 17th inst. to meet again on the 2nd Tuesday of September, a special session, to be devoted to an examination of the revised code of laws now in progress, by commissioners appointed for that purpose; one of whom is John C. Spencer, esq. recently appointed in the place of Henry Wheaton, esq. resigned; a worthy successor of a worthy

man.

It appears that since 1797 the sum of $148,707 94 has been expended in improving the navigation of the Hudson, chiefly between Troy and Albany, only 35,566 16 having been paid for works performed below the latter; of the whole no more than $29,250 has been paid out of the state treasury-the balance was raised by private subscriptions, local lotteries, &c.

There is a village in Essex county, situate on the river Au Sable, which empties into Lake Champlain, called Keesville, regularly laid out, with large cotton factories, iron works and other mills, and a population exceeding 1,500 souls! Five years ago there was no settlement at this then wild spot. The iron mines are peculiarly valuable. The country adjacent is covered with immense fo rests of pines.

RUSSIA. An official account states, that in the 4 years from 1823 to 1826, 50,980 persons were carried off by extremely sudden death, in the Russian empire:-4591 were murdered; 4,687 committed suicide. There were 664 robbers; and 11,348 criminals and vagabonds were arrested; there were 11,683 fires, by which 176 churches and convents, 4,501 dwelling houses in the towns, and 76,029 houses in the country were reduced to ashes.

MEXICO. The London Times says that Prussia has followed the example of Great Britain and the U. States, and signed a commercial treaty with the new Mexican republic. Thus, one by one, the links which formed the ponderous chain of the holy alliance given way under

JOURNAL OF PAUL JONES. A copy of this valuable and interesting manuscript, in the best of binding and handsome writing, is now in Portsmouth, N. H. It was copied from the original by Paul Jones himself, and presented to Louis XVI, on the 1st of Jan. 1786, as will be seen by referring to Jones' life, page 353; it is shortly to be published, together with some correspondence relat-their own feet. ing to our revolutionary war.

ACTIVE BENEVOLENCE. A horse harnessed to a chaise, was observed during the greater part of yesterday tied at the lower end of Merchant's hall, says the Boston Courier. Some passer-by, more considerate than the owner of the beast, towards night placed on a conspicuous part of the harness the following labelWanted half a peck of oats. Inquire within."

PRINTING IN PARIS. Paris consumes 400,000 reams of paper at 12 franes, and 25,000 kilograms of printing ink at 4 francs. It is computed that there are 600 presses in operation in Paris, which produce an annual receipt of 9,000,000 francs.

UNION CANAL, On Saturday the 7th inst. the great wheel of 36 feet diameter, which has been erceted by the Union Canal company, at the mouth of Clark's creek, for the purpose of raising the water out of the Swatara feeder into the summit, near Lebanon, was put in motion and succeeded to the full extent of the most sanguine expectations of its projectors.

FOREIGN NEWS.

Great Britian and Ireland. The amount of the poor rates in Bristol about four years ago, was fifteen thousand pounds; for the current year the rate was nearly, if not quite, double that amount.

The duke of Athol has transferred to the crown his interest in the eustom house duties levied in the Isle of Mau, for the sum of 150,000 pounds. The crown is now possessed of the entire duties.

In the year 1822, the total number of officers in the British army, was 13,721; in 1826, it was 13,839. [This is about double the number of the whole troops of the United States.]

In the course of last year there had been admitted 412 officers without purchase, and 783 by purchase.

France. The marquis de Laplace, and marshal the marquis Viomenil, both peers of France, died on the 5th March. The former is the author of the system of the world; the latter was one of the gallant Frenchmen who contributed their aid to our independence. France, has also lost another distinguished citizen, M. de Girar din, a prominent leader of the opposition.

A messenger has arrived in the U. States bearing despatches to the French minister.

The Journal du Commerce of Feb. 27 says, that the frigate Guerriere of 60 guns, built at Marseilles, for the pacha of Egypt, and which sustained great damage in the Launching, would be ready for sea in a month, and would sail for Alexandria with a French crew of about 400 men, and under the French flag.

Austria. The Gazette of Augsburg announces, under the head of Vienna, that that city had been thrown into consternation by the murder of the Abbe Plank, professor of mathematics. He was 72 years old, and had given lessons to the hereditary prince and the duke of Reichstadt, (Napoleon's son.) He was a distinguished and much esteemed man--the person suspected of his murder, was immediately handed over to the tribunal. He is of good society and named Jaroszinski, and has served as colonel of the Polish legion, and is decorated with various orders. He had made the acquaintance of the unfortunate professor under pretext of borrowing money from him. The Abbe Plank was found pierced with thirteen pionard wounds.

Greece and Turkey, Private letters from Constantinople, anounce that the Porte had again declared, through the Reis Effendi, its determination to reject all diplomatic overtures in favor of the Greek insurgents. The motives for this decision are the same as those expressed on previous occasions.

dollars.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE WASHINGTON TELEGRAPH.

Blue Spring, Scott county, Ky. 3d April, 1827. SIR: In compliance with your request, as far as in my power, I will now detail to you the substance of a conversation which took place between Mr. Seaton, the junior editor of the National Intelligencer, and myself; which be has thought proper partially to disclose-first, to individuals, and lastly to the public; and in both cases he ascribed language to me which I never used.

You will particularly attend to the time of the conver sation, which was early in the session of congress previ ous to the Inst, and upon a subject personal to himself, viz. the transfer of the printing of the laws of congress from the National Intelligencer to the National Journal. The meeting with Mr. Seaton in the senate chamber, at the close of a daily session, was accidental, and the conversation unpremeditated.

I had been in habits of intimacy and friendship with Mr. Seaton, for 12 or 15 years, and the conversation, which was casual, no doubt partook of that freedom of remark, which the nature of the subject, and the most perfect confidence and friendship would naturally inspire; not supposing that it ever could or would be the subject of private disclosure or public remark. In a few days after, notwithstanding this, Mr. Seaton, either directly or indirectly, communicated the conversation to Mr. Clay, of whom he had spoken with no little freedom; and as the facts came to me they were so misrepresented that I did The Egyptian fleet, which sailed from Alexandria for not know that the allusion was made to thus conversation, the Morea, on the 20th November, commanded by Mo-until, on a subsequent day, I was informed that Mr. Seaharem Bey, son-in-law of the Pacha, consisted of 78 sail, ton had made the communication. I was represented as of which, 30 were sloops of war, four fire-ships, and the having made remarks personally offensive and abusive of rest European and Turkish transports. There were no the administration. Having, up to that period, entertain-troops on board, but money, provisions, and ammuni-ed the very highest opinion of the integrity and amiable tion, The specic on board amounted to 900,000 Spanish disposition of Mr. Seaton, I was more than astonished, I was shocked, at what I considered a wanton and unneces-, Portugal. Lisbon dates to March 3d, state, that since sary attempt to destroy that harmony of social intercourse the rebels have been worsted, several of their detach-which had ever existed between the members of the adments have mutinied, and demanded the heads of their ministration and my self, and particularly to make a breach leaders. Other accounts are, that the rebels had concen- of friendship between Mr. Clay and myself. As it was trated their forces and taken a position from which gen. a conversation that I did not think any man of honor would Clinton, with the English and Portuguese troops, were ever condescend to mention again, more especially with soon to attempt their dislodgement. a design to make mischief, and recollecting the remarks Brazil. A severe battle took place on the 26th Fe-of Mr. Seaton himself, I was anxious to place his disclobruary, between the Brazilian and Buenos Ayrean armies, sures to want of prudence and discretion on this occasion, in which the former were defeated. They fought with rather than to ascribe dhem to malignity of heart and want the greatest obstinacy, and were separated only by the of principle; and I felt less disposed to attribute them to night coming on. The loss on both sides appears to be a wish on his part to curry favor with the administration nearly equal. When the action commenced the Buenos at my expense, and in violation of those principles which Ayrean army numbered about eight thousand men, prin- govern honorable men in private and social intercourse cipally mounted; that of the Brazilians about ten thou- with each other,principles that have been consecrated sand. Much importance is attached to this battle as in-by time, and by which all men are shielded from the anivolving consequences of great interest to both countries; madversions of the world upon any unguarded expresbut we have no particulars.

POLITICS OF THE DAY.

Having inserted in page 20, of the present volume, an article on the "sigus of the times" from the "National Intelligencer," we feel obligated to give the following leiter from col. R. M. Johnson, and the replication of Mr. W. W. Seaton, one of the editors of the "Intelligencer," and so we must proceed while the special matter shall be under discussion.

sion.

Mark, also, that up to this period I had been the personal, I will say devoted friend of Mr. Seaton, and his partner, Mr. Gales. During the recess, and before the commencement of the last session of congress, I discoverFed that some of the public prints used the same language, which Mr. Seaton Lad ascribed to me; but as my name was not connected with the publication, I remained silent. In the course of the last session of congress I detailed to several friends the circumstances and manner of that conversation. I ucntioned it to one of the members With all our care to avoid a notice of such matters as of the administration, who told me that he had been inproduce publications over which we have no controul, formed or understood that Mr. Seaton had not intended we have been several times led into the appropriation of to make any part of the conversation public, and was pages to discussions too long, however interesting, for the mortified that it had become so. limited room that we have, and which is rather devotedings on the occasion, and I had determined to converse This softened my feelto documents and the investigation of principles, than to with Mr. Seaton; but, upon reflection, I thought it was record the politics of the day." On this account it was his duty to explain to me this extraordinary apparent dethat we have not inserted the publication of gov. Vau purture from the rules of honor which time had conseNess, of Vermont, in relation to the late election of a crated. I wish you disquetly to understand, that my resenator of the United States in that state, knowing that it gret at his course did uct arise from the least unwillingwould be productive of a quantity of matter very in-ness that the whole world should know the opinions which convenient for us to dispose of, and over which we I expressed on that occasion, and the sentiments I uttercould not exert any discretion-for it is the "rule abso-ed. I:I had supposed that they were to be made the lute" for the management of this paper, equally to insert subject of public investigation, I might have selected difdifferent views of the same subject, if presented, and forterent language to express them. ourselves to acknowledge error when manifested to us. This is not wholly conformable, we well know, to the political morality of our time-but it will wear well, and be approved of in time to come.

But to come to the conversation. I expressed my deep regret that the printing of the laws had been transferred from the Intelligencer to the Journal, on account of my personal friendship to Mr. Seaton and Mr. Gales, and ex

I must not omit to state that major Eaton, of Tennes see, came up soon after the conversation with Mr. Scaton commenced; but, not having conversed with him on the subject, I do not know what part of it he heard or can remeniber. With respect, your obedient servant, RH: M. JOHNSON. Gen. DUFF GREEN.

FOR THE UNITED STATES TELEGRAPH.

The letter of col. Richard M. Jonhson, published in the Telegraph of last evening, requires from me some notice. I have never publicly identified colonel Johnson's

pressed my doubts as to the policy of the measure, in reference to the administrauon. In fact, I stated that I did not believe it was a wise measure, and that I thought it would do more harm than good. Mr. Seaton appeared deeply wounded; not so much on account of any great pecuniary disadvantage which would result from the transfer, as the act itself, which he considered a mark of disapprobation of his course, and an attempt to injure, in a small affair, which was unworthy of auy administration. Learning from some of his remarks that he considered Mr. Clay his enemy, I expressed surprise, and told him was under an impression that there existed between Mr. Clay and himself the most perfect good will and friend-name with the violent expressions which have been imship. I recollect the very language of Mr. Seaton to this puted to him, and which he certainly used, and never remark. He said Mr. Clay had no friendly feeling to- should have done so; but as the public has become acwards him, and never could have; that he knew Mr. Clay quainted with them, I am not surprised that col. J. should too well; and Mr. Clay knew this fact too well, ever to endeavor, by all the means in his power, to relieve himbe his friend. As I did not desire to hear any personal self from the effect which declarations so reckless in insmuations or charges, I did not ask for an explanation of their character and spirit are calculated to produce on the what he meant; nor did I know at that time, nor do I ever reputation of a public man. Respecting col. Johnson for wish to know, to what facts he alluded. I waived this his public services, and esteeming him for his private virpart of the conversation, by saying to him, in a familiar tues, I sincerely regretted that he should permit the vio style, that I expected now to see him break ground against lence of party feelings so far to get the better of his good the administration. He said that he could not oppose the judgment and his proverbial philanthropy, as to enter measures of the administration which he approved, on tain and utter sentiments so unbecoming a patriot and a account of any injury done himself personally by one of its senator; and I as sincerely regret that he has, by his pubmembers. This answer accorded with my own views of lication, obliged me to bear witness to the signal impropropriety, and I stated that I had acted, and should con- priety which he, in fact, himself acknowledges. Indeed, tinue to act, upon that principle; that I would neither op- he admits so fully all that has been stated, in regard to pose what my judgment approved, nor advocate what I the conversation between us, to which he refers, that I disapproved, on account of the presidential question; that should not deem any reply to his letter necessary, had he I considered it my duty to give to the administration eve-not, very much to my surprise, sought to give to that conry opportunity to be judged by the correctness of its mea-versation a private character, and consequently to make sures--but as I conscientiously believed that gen. Jack-it appear, that, by speaking of his indiscreet expressions, son was, at the time of Mr. Adams' election, the decided I had violated his confidence. This, I aver, was not the choice of a majority of the citizens of the United States, I fact. I am warranted in saying so, because there was no should feel myself justified, upon the principles of free thing in the commencement, in the tone, in the manner, government, to vote for gen. Jackson at the polls, although or in the place, of that conversation, or in the relation in the administration might be as pure as the angels in hea- which col. J. and myself stood to each other, at the time, ven. Although this language inay be too strong, and not to impart to it a confidential character. The conversaproper for such an occasion, yet other words which I didtion was entirely casual, was open, loud, and as public as not use have been added, to give to my expressions the appearance of profanity.

the place permitted it to be. There was a third person present during a part of it, he admits, and I anı not sure that there were not others within hearing. It is probable that another gentleman would approach and listen to a confidential conversation, or that col. J. would have continued it, being such, after that gentleman joined us? Letting this, however, pass for the present, I will, since aur compelled to notice the subject thus publicly, state, as briefly as I can, what really passed on the occasion referred to, in order to correct some newspaper misrepresentations and some inaccuracies in col. Johnson's own statement.

I am perfectly willing to be judged by my actions; and although I have uniformly declared for the election of gen. Jackson, I defy any man to say that my course has been illiberal towards the administration. I do not at this time recollect a single vote of mine in which I found it my duty to vote against what may be termed an administra-I tion measure. Be this as it may, I defy any man to point out an expression of nine, in public debate or in private conversation, where I have treated the members of the administration with rudeness or disrespect. if I were thus to act, I should violate those feelings of perfect re- Some time in the session of 1825-6, as I was passing spect and sincere personal friendship, which I have ever through the senate chamber to the secretary's table after entertained for them--some for more than twenty years the senate had adjourned, I was hailed by col. Johnson, none for less than twelve or fifteen years, I have never (sitting near one of the fire places under the gallery, with intended to be personal in any remarks of mine in rela-one other member standing or walking near him), who, in tion to the present administration. It is painful enough his familiar manner of speaking, said, "how goes it old to be separated from friends, politically, with whom Ifriend: well, when are y u coming out?" have been in the habits of intimacy so many years; that Editor. On what subject, colonel?

pain shall never be increased by any act of mine, if I know Col. J. Why, on the presidential question. Are you it, by making a breach in that friendly and social inter-not coming out against the administration? course which I have ever inamtained with them individually, up to the present period.

Editor. I can't tell. The adminstration has hardly commenced its career yet, and I don't see any thing, so far, to condemn.

Col. J. What of that? Has not Clay taken away the laws from your paper?

Editor. True; but that would be making a private grievance a motive for pubic conduct; and that we cannot do, however sore we may feel about it. As for Mr. Clay, I know he is no friend of ours; we opposed him, aud í understand that he has always been hostile to us and our paper; but the administration may pursue a policy that we have approved in other administrations, and if they do so, how can we with any consistency oppose thera?

I often find language too feeble to express my feelings. This is one of those occasions. I cannot express my re gret that there should be a necessity for me take up my ume in making a statement of a private conversation, which I never should have thought of again but for the facts herein related,, and which never ought to have been brought before the public. it presents an example of a social and friendly intercourse and personal contidence violated, winch must moruly all good men; and which, if sanctioned, would subject our most unguarded expressions to our intimate friends, in whom we place unbounded confidence, to public observation and scrutiny. I do not claim that perfection which would bear such | serutmy without the imputation of imprudence at times; but I have the consolation to believe that neither friend nor foe can charge me with having acted in a way to require them to come before the public to caplain, or detail | Editor. But, col. how can you say so, before you sce I what course the administration will adopt?

Col. Johnson, (with vehemence, and, I think, with an oath)-I would not care for that. if any body injured e, I would give them as good as they scut; and, as for this admistration, we will turn them out, as sure as there is a God in Heaven.

Suppose they

consult the public interest, and pursue a course that you think right?

Col. J. I don't care: [raising his arm, and speaking with warmth], for, by the Eternal, if they act as pure as the angels that stand at the right hand of the throne of God, we'll put them down.

port us in the election of printer, (to take place in a da or two), we would come out against the administration after the adjournment of congress, [although the administration was not then formed, for the president was not installed, and of course had not even nominated a member of his cabinet] and further said, if we did not, we might expect the opposition of the friends of the general. I'mformed the colonel then, as afterwards, that we could not

To this I made no reply, but left the col. to pursue the errand that carried me to the senate chamber. The last remark astonished and shocked me, and made an impres-regulate the course of our paper by private considerations; sion on my mind too strong ever to be effaced. I have that as Mr. Crawford had not succeeded, we were con stated it with a fidelity that I would attest at the last mo- tent that Mr. Adams had; that we hoped he would adment of life, and I have related the rest of the conversa- minister the government ably and beneficially; and if tion with substantial truth. Col. Johnson gives a differ- he did so we could not oppose him simply because we ent turn to his remarks, and no doubt honestly; but he had opposed his election; that general Jackson should alwas so much excited, that he ought not to be too confident ways receive at our hands that fairness and respect which in the accuracy of his memory. I am as fully impressed his eminent public services and well earned standing enas any man, with the indelicacy and unseemliness of light-titled him to; but that we never had and never would ly repeating conversations that are even not confidential, trammel or compromise our editorial course by any priand I certainly conformed to this impression in the case vate stipulations. Is it probable, after this conversation, of col. Johnson; but I am not clear that a sense of public that col. J. should, at the following session, think of makduty did not require me forthwith to give the utmost pub-ing to me a confidential revelation of his sentiments on licity to the declaration of col. Johnson, that his country- the same topic? But I repeat, I was not authorized by a men might be advised of a principle of action so mon- single circumstance to consider it confidential; and I had strous, avowed by a prominent member of a great party not the remotest idea that it was so, nor indeed did it dein the republic. serve to be. As well might another opposition senator claim to have been confidential, who, in a public place, in the hearing of several, on being rallied on the triumph of the administration party on the Panama mission, said "yes, they have beaten us by a few votes, after a hard battle, but if they had only taken the other side and refused the mission, we would have had them."

But the office of a public acouser is not an enviable one, and to col. Johnson I owed several years of kindness and apparent friendship. I therefore spoke of his imprudence to no one for several days, nor until the following incident led me to do so, and then, without giving permission to repeat it. In a free fire-side conversation sonie evenings afterwards, a member of congress, in specu- I am far from imputing to col. Johnson intentional misLating on the probable course of certain politicians, hap-statement; but he has done me great injustice, and I have pened to say that col. R. M. Johnson would go for the defended myself by a detail of facts, as brief as I could administration. I asked him if he had any reason to think make it. I would have said less, had less sufficed; but col. J. friendly to the administration. He replied that he when an humble individual is called on to vindicate himwas confident of the fact, as he had been informed that self against the great odds of a distinguished name and col. J. had given a member of the cabinet to understand high station, it is due to himself that he omit nothing that he was a decided friend. I thought it incumbent on which truth authorizes him to use, W. W. SEATON, me to undeceive the gentleman alluded to, and did so by Washington, April 18, 1827. stating what had passed between col. J. and myself in the senate chamber. I subsequently mentioned the conversaDEBATE ON THE WOOL BILL. tion to one other gentleman; but whether either of the HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEB. 10, 1827. two communicated it to Mr. Clay, or whether Mr. Clay The bill for the protection of the woollen manufactuwas informed of it at all, I know not, as I have not ex-rers having been read a third time, and the question bechanged a word, beyond a simple salutation, with that gentleman, since he became secretary of state; and therefore col. J's. insinuation, that I betrayed him to Mr. C. is wholly gratuitous and untrue.

It may be proper to state, in explanation of my remark respecting Mr. Clay's hostility to our paper, that it had reference not altogether to public indications of feeling on his part, which he took no pains to conceal, (for whatever faults he may have, want of frankness in avowing his dislikes or resentments is not among the number), but to the communication of a distinguished member from Virginia, who, in discoursing to me, some time before, on the propriety of our assailing the administration, urged, as a reason, within his knowledge, that Mr. Clay had always been inimical to us. That gentleman will recollect the answer which I made to him also: that in shaping our editorial course we threw our personal affairs entirely out of view.

ing on its passage

Mr. Cambreleng took the floor, and addressed the house as follows:

Mr. Speaker: In appealing to those who represent the agricultural interest in this house, I shall abstain, as far as I am able, from any refined speculations in political economy. I shall address myself to the reason and sound understanding, not only to the wool growers of my own state, of Pennsylvania, and Ohio; but, sir, to the great agricultural interest of our country, and to the American people. I shall address them in plain, direct, and, what may seem to some gentlemen, bold language: for we have ordered to a third reading, and are now about to pass, a formidable measure, and in the most obnoxious form. Some gentlemen have voted for the bill, in obedience to the wishes of their constituents-an authority which I shall not question here, or any where else; others have voted for it upon principle; upon a principle of patriotBut col. Johnson alleges that his remarks to me were ism, presuming it to be a ineasure for the protection of confidential. The fact is, col. J. had as little right to industry. I vote against it upon principle, because I believe make me the depository of his political secrets, as i had it to be a bill for the relief of the incorporated compato know that his revelations were intended to be confiden-nies of New England; not only for the benefit of the comtial; for we were too well acquainted with each other's panies of New England, but the woollen manufacturers presidential predilections, to invite from him a confiden- of Old England too; because I believe it to be an enortial disclosure of his attachments on that head, or to ren- mous tax on agriculture; a measure destructive to our der such a disclosure necessary. As far back as the pre-revenue, and in strict accordance with the existing policy ceding session, that is, the session in which Mr Adams and views of Great Britain-ruinous to our great mannwas elected president, and even before his inauguration,facturing interest of the interior, and, in the end, fatal to col. Johnson had determined to enter the ranks of the the rights, morals, and happiness of New England. Its opposition that was to be, and urged me to go with him and principle is avarice-its victim, patriotism. his party. It may be well to advert to this incident a Fittle more particularly: for every body acquainted with the colonel's earnest and impressive manner knows, that what he says is not easily forgotten,

It was just before his departure from congress, in March, 1825, meeting the colouck in the vestibule of the senate chamber, he stopped to take lease, and said to me, he hoped that as general. Jackson's finds would sup

Before I proceed to the question, allow mc briefly to now tice the incidental remari,s of my colleague, (Mr. Storrs. } He was pleased to introduce the West India question. I shall not avail myself of my privilege; but I will now say to him, that, when that question is before the house, if he and his friends will not extinguish the debate upon it by the previous question, we shall be able to prove to this house, and to the nation, that four members of the oppo

sition-I trust my colleague is not startled at the sound-from its lawful channels, to seek new avenues to conthat four members of the opposition, at the last session, sumption through Canada. As merchants and traders, voted down, in committee, three administration men, and we pray you to return to the sound policy from which instructed the chairman to report a bill, removing the dis- we never departed till 1816. During six and twenty criminating duties on British colonial commerce. If my years, our tariff was never touched, unless the necessicolleague and his friends will not again stifle debate, by ties of the treasury required it as in the wars with the previous question, we shall be able to expose to the France, the Barbary powers, and England. As mere nation, not only the culpable negligence, but positive in- merchants, we care not what your rates of impost may capacity of those to whom, for a brief term, we have con-be; and we entreat you to make them the law of the land. Keep us not, as you have done since 1816, involved in fided our foreign negotiations. My colleague was pleased to introduce Pennsylvania, speculations, from session to session; spare us the mistoo. Pennsylvania is, where Pennsylvania was for her chiefs of a policy which is ruinuous to us, and brings us country. And, however, sir, I may differ from her de annually here with our petitions for bankrupt laws. In common with us all, this commercial manufacturing legation, as I have done, and still do, upon the question of protecting duties, I am proud to acknowledge that it interest suffered some depression of their capital in the is the only question about which we differ. Whenever revulsion of 1825-6, which convulsed the industry of my colleague and his friends will introduce a measure, as the world. Not like others, accustomed to occasional he terms it, of "great national concern" whenever he losses, but habituated to large dividends the presidents will combine the supposed interest of New York, New and directors of the incorporated companies of New EngJersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, he will find land became alarmed-they fancied themselves ruined. Pennsylvania now, where she was in 1824; but Pennsyl-They called meetings-presidents, directors, and stockvania has sagacity to distinguish between a measure of holders debated the matter and it is to these debates "great national concern," and a prohibitory bill for the that we are to look for the cause of their distress and the origin of this measure. The candid portion of those carelief of the incorporated companies of New England. My colleague referred also to the laws and policy of pitalists admitted that in ten years their capital had inGreat Britain. He challenged us, with an air of defiance, creased from ten to forty millions, and that their distress to show one single act-one practical measure, departing was caused by their own speculations. Others attributed it from her ancient system, and enforcing the principles of to the increase of duty on raw wool, in the tariff of 1824, free trade. Here, sir, is the British tariff, passed on the and to frauds on the revenue. The presidents, directors, 5th July, 1825-executed on the 5th January, 1826-and stockholders, resolved to petition congress-but not abolishing a long list of prohibitory duties, and among to reduce the duty on raw wool. No, sir, the agricultu ral interest was not to be alarmed; the fox has too much others, substituting the following. "Twas better to ensagacity to rouse the sleeping lion. ter into a compact with the unsuspecting wool-growers, and even to ask for an augmentation of the very duty of which they complained, provided they could, at the same, secure a prohibition of woollens. This bill, sir, is admirably contrived for the purpose designed, it is the fabric of a dexterous hand; and I am much deceived if the raw material did not come from within the walls of one of the

Manufactures of cotton and cast iron. and manuPlain china, earthen ware,

factures of wool,

Wrought iron, manufactures of glass, steel, and tin,

Colored or gilt china, manufactures of brass, copper, leather, and silk,

10 per cent.

15

20

30

66 Co

On printed cottons, an addition equal to the excise. According to the policy of the present ministry, the highest protecting duty is 30 per cent.

I am not to be reminded that the reform is incomplete, we know that some of their ancient prohibitions do remain, but not with the approbation of ministers. Yes, their corn laws remain, to consume the little remnant of the poor man's labor. But away with British laws and British policy! I stand on American ground. I look not abroad for rules of legislation; mine is American policy, based upon natural right and constitutional law, I never wish to see my country travel in England's path to ruin; I never wish to see the chariot wheels of the commercial manufacturing capitalists, of another Manchester in New England, grinding in the ashes of an independent yeo

manry.

incorporated companies of New England. We shall presently see what dividend of profit is designed for the confiding wool-grower.

I shall not examine this bill, sir, in its original formwith its maximum duty of 224 per cent. ! That was too monstrous, even for the committee on manufactures, who reported it; and they seized, with avidity, the amend ment of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. Barney.) Let us examine it in the form it has assumed under the moderating influence of his amendment; in which shape we are now about to pass it. I shall do it, sir minutely. for however strange these names may sound in our cars, there is not a laborer, a marmer, a mechanic, or a farmer,

who will not understand me.

The first minimum provides that all woollens under 40 cents the square yard, shall be valued at 40 cents. This includes common flannels for laborers; baizes, and serges, cotton and wool plaids, not manufactured in this country, for laborers and mechanics; coatings and lion skins, for sailors, watermen, farmers, and laborers; and inferior cloths. Proposed duty, 374 to 75 per cent.

The 2d minimum provides that all over 40, and under 1 50, should be valued at 1 50. This includes drab kerseys, and forest cloths, for sailors, watermen, fishermen, farmers, mechanics, &c.; cassimeres for all classes; broad cloths of common quality; flannels of finer quality; pelisse cloths and coatings, not manufactured in our country; blue plains; woollen shawls for the poorer classes, not manufactured here. Proposed duty, 37 to 1 591 per cent.

But to return to the question. A new interest has grown up amongst us, corresponding in its character, principles, and consequences, with that which grew up in Manchester during the French revolutionary war, by a Judden transfer of capital from commerce to manufactures. It is a commercial manufacturing interest, differing as much in its character, on the one side, from the great docs, on the manufacturing interest of the interior, as At every other, from the commercial navigating interest. revulsion in trade and industry, departing from the manly and independent practice of our ancestors, and following the example of their predecessors in Manchester, they appeal to the sympathy and patriotism of the nation. Turning, treacherously turning, upon that very interest to which it owes all its wealth, power, and influence, it appeals to the ancient prejudices of the interior, ascribes The 3d minimum, on the same principle, from 1 50 to its distress to foreign commerce, and describes, as detrimental to its prosperity and the national interest, that 2 50, includes middle and good quality broad cloths, commerce and that navigation which is the basis of our in general use in the country. Duty, 37 to 62 per naval power. We have no interest, sir, hostile to the cent. The 4th minimum, 2 50 to $4; 371 to 57 per cent. interest of the manufacturers. Their prosperity is our prosperity. As mere merchants, it cannot affect our in-cloths. No increase of duty proposed on cloths of the terest, whether manufactures come to us from Hamp-finest quality. The mystery of this bill is hid under the 2d minimum, shire and Worcester, in New England, or Yorkshire and Lancaster, in old England. But we have other and deep from 40 to 1 50; as it includes the largest portion of woolinterests in the question. As consumers, we protest lens, both in quantity and value, imported into the United And in this minimum disguise imposes a duty of against excessive and unequal taxation; as navigators, we States. remonstrate against measures tending to drive commerce 1873 to 1 391 per cent.