resolutions on the table, and the house ordered them to be that in the formation of the state constitution, there are printed no grants of specified, designated powers from the goThese resolutions were discussed in the house of delc-verned, to the governors. The great natural rights of gates on the 1st February, between Mr. Giles and gen. man are secured to the people by a declaration of rights, Taylor the following brief notice of which is taken from prefixed to the constitution and deemed an essential part the "Richmond Whig:" of it. Upon this declaration of rights, the practical prin

The question being on the adoption of the resolutions,ciples and checks contained in the constitution itself, and gen. Taylor, in an argument of great power and eloquence, the relative rights of the governed and governors, founddeprecated their adoption. Reading the resolutions, one ed in the reason and nature of things, the people of this by one, he expatiated on cach, and traced results to ori-commonwealth depend for their protection against goginal sources, and final consequences. He said that the vernmental oppression. The constitution after ordaining inquiry proposed by the resolutions was nugatory and and declaring the future form of government of Virginia mischievous-nagatory as leading to nothing, unless the to be as follows; and that "the legislative, executive and state was prepared to go the whole in the event that they judiciary departments shall be separate and distinct,' were affirmatively reported by a committee mischievous provides that "the legislative shall be formed of two disas setting all the elements of discord and disunion to tinet branches, who, together, shall be a complete legis work. He called upon Mr. Giles for his ulterior views; lature." The executive and judiciary are also made he demanded to know what were the remedial measures complete departments in themselves respectively, formintended to be proposed, if the general assembly came to ing altogether one entire government. The committee, the opinion that the rights of the state were trampled upon therefore, report, that the exclusive jurisdiction over all by the general government, if those remedies were ap-the territory, persons and things within the limits of this plied, and proved abortive, what then was to be done? commonwealth, was vested in, and secured to the goWas this state prepared for war? He asked for informa-vernment of this state by the constitution thereof. tion. He was not willing to embark before he knew the port of destination: In terms of impassioned eloquence, he painted the consequences to which the resolutions might lead us. They would place us in an attitude from which we could neither recede with honor, nor advance without ruin. When we had taken the stand we were called upon to take by these resolutions, we must either force the general government to acquiescence by the pow-perty being a natural right, and of course derived from a er of reason, or that of arms, or forfeit the honor and character of the state, by a disgraceful abandonment of it. For himself, he said he could not hear the familiarity with which gentlemen spoke of bayonets and disunion without shuddering, and in glowing eloquence depicted the results to which this temper was leading us-disunion and civil war-the blood of thousands and the extinguishment in this union of the brightest political star which had ever enlightened the world.

In regard to the second point of enquiry, to wit: "whe ther private property was or was not, thereby, (by the constitution), secured to the owner, against the power of the government; so far, at least, that the government could not, rightly take private property from the owner, and give it to another person, neither rendering public service:" Your committee report, that the right of prosource paramount to all government, that principle is made applicable to the government of this state, in the first section of the bill of rights, in the following words: "That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness." Mr. Giles in his reply exhibited that peculiar power In pursuance of this principle the committee find the fol of debate, the foundation of his fame. He laughed at the lowing provision in the fourth section of the bill of rights: apprehensions of the gentleman, and spoke of the reso-"That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive lutions as a matter of every day concern. He expressed or separate emoluments or privileges from the communi his surprise that the gentleman, who was distinguished as ty, but in consideration of public services." The same a military character, should feel alarms so unnecessary, principle is also asserted in the amendments to the conand so little to have been expected from him. Directing stitution of the United States, and in several of the state his remarks to a point of quieting the excited apprehensions constitutions as will be seen in the further progress of of the house, as to the consequences of his resolutions, this report. From these considerations, the committee exhe managed it with great dexterity. His astonishment press a confident opinion, that private property is secured that any man should be alarmed, seemed unfeigned, and to the owner by the state constitution, in such a manner showing no heat himself, he gradually succeeded in cool-that the government cannot, rightfully, take it from the ing his audience. He evaded the inquiries made of him owner and give it to another person, not rendering pubas to his ulterior views, with great address. He said lic service.

that he had given them no specific direction, and disclaim- The next subject of enquiry the committee have examing the compliment which the inquiry to him as an indi-ined with peculiar care and circumspection, to wit: vidual imported, he flattered the house by saying that "Whether or not any portion of the exclusive jurisdiethey were much more competent than him, to devise ul-tion of the government of this state over territory, perterior remedial measures. His language was highly pa- sons and things, has since been granted to the general cific and disavowing all belligerent views, he only won-government by the constitution of the United States; and, dered that such consequences could be anticipated from resolutions of so pacific and moderate a character. The resolutions were agreed to, and a committee, appointed, as proposed by Mr. Giles, which in due time, made the following report

if so, to specify particularly, each and every portion of such jurisdiction which may have been so granted. In regard to the exclusive jurisdiction which may have been granted to the general government by the constitution of the U. S. upon the mose careful review of that instrument, REPORT of the committee upon certain points of funda-the committee can find no grant of exclusive jurisdiction mental law and certain differing claims of jurisdiction over territory, made to the general government by the between this state and the government of the United states, as parties thereto, except the following: 8th secStates. tion of the 1st article-"To exercise exclusive legislation The committee, to whom was referred, on the 2d day in all cases whatsoever, over such district, (not exceedof Feb. 1827, a resolution calling for an enquiry into cer-ing ten miles square), as may, by cession of particular tain points of fundamental law, and certain differing states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat claims of jurisdiction between the government of this of government of the United States, and to exercise like state and that of the United States, have bestowed on authority over all places purchased by the consent of the that subject all the consideration which, in their judg-legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the ment, its peculiar delicacy and importance demand; and erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards and beg leave to submit the following report: other needful buildings." With respect to "the transfer With respect to the first inquiry called for from of exclusive jurisdiction by this state to the government the committee, to wit:Whether or not the ex-of the United States over persons and things within clusive jurisdiction over all the territory, persons and its limits;" the committee would observe, that there are things within the limits of this commonwealth, was certain specified powers granted to the general governnot secured to the government of this state, by the con-ment; and that a jurisdiction over persons and things withstirution thereof." The committee beg leave to observe, in the Infits of this state, hus also been granted to that

government, so far only, as is necessary to carry into ef- incidental one. If this power be assumed by the general fect those specified powers. But, the committee con-government, as an original, one, it mus be assumed with ceve this jurisdiction to be concurrent over the same per- all its own incidents accompanying it; and such assumpsons and things, and not exclusive-the state jurisdiction tion must be altogether independent of any grant specified applying to all purposes of general protection-the juris- in the constitution. If it should be assumed under the diction of the general government applying only to the disguise of an incidental one, its own incidents must still specified powers. accompany it. In either case, these consist in all the The committee, with like care and circumspection, And the committee can conceive of no means sufficient means necessary and proper for carrying it into effect. have examined the next subject of enquiry: that is to say for that purpose, which will not assert and involve a juris"whether any power has been granted to the general government to violate the right of private property at its diction over territory, as well as a right to the acquisition of private property. Neither canals nor roads can be discretion, and, more particularly, to take private property from the owner, and give it to another person, neither made without an acquisition of a right to the soil over rendering public service," and report, with confidence, which they may respectively pass. This acquisition could that no power whatever has been granted to the general not be had without a judicial proceeding, asserting and government to violate the right of private property involving jurisdiction: the only mode heretofore resortat its discretion, nor to take private property from the ed to by the laws of this country, for condemning private owner, and give it to another person, not rendering pub-property for public uses, being by writ of ad quod damlic service. So far from it, that in addition to the guaran-num. The exercise of such jurisdicton by the general tees herein before mentioned, for the protection of pri- government, would not only destroy all the demarkations vate property to the owner, the committee find the fol- of power between the state and general governments lowing solemn pledges in the amendments to the consti- grounded upon principles of locality, and generality: but tution of the United States: Extract from article 5th. would be consolidation in its essence. The assumption. "No person shall, &c. be deprived of life, liberty, or of the jurisdiction would be more necessary to enable it to property, without due process of law; nor shall privae carry into effect its assumed power to make internal improperty be taken for public use, without just compensa-provements, because it is deprived of all the means pointtion." Article 9th. The enumeration in the constitu-ed out by the constitution for investing itself with juristion of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or diction over all its legitimate objects. These means will disparage others retained to the people." Article 10th. be found in the following provisions of the constitution: "the powers not delegated to the United States by the To exercise like authority over all places purchased by constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are re-the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be for the erection of forts, magazines, arseserved to the states, respectively, or to the people. This principle of the security of property seems to have nals, dock yards, and other needful buildings." These pervaded the fundamental laws of almost every state in include all the legitimate objects of territorial jurisdiction, the union; and to have been expressly declared therein granted to the general government, and the committee in some form or other as will appear from the following express the opinion, that there are no other territorial extracts. From the bill of rights-New Hampshire. objects, over which the general government is legitimate"All men have certain natural, essential and inherently authorized to exercise any jurisdiction whatsoever, within the limits of the respective states,-unless the jurisdicrights among which are, the enjoying, acquiring, possessing and protecting property.From the declaration over the District of Columbia, and the territories of tion of rights-Massachusetts. "All men are free and the U. States, should be considered as additional territoequal and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rial objects and the mode in which this jurisdiction is rights: among which may be reckoned the right of enjoy- obtained, is particularly and specially prescribed. This ing and defending their lives and liberties; that of ac-minute and particular description of objects, limited and quiring, possessing and protecting property," &c. And unimportant in themselves, and the particularity of pointagain, "No man, or corporation, or association of men, ing out the means, by which jurisdiction over them should have any other title to obtain advantages or particular and be obtained, are sufficient of themselves to preclude all exclusive privileges, distinct from those of the communi- inference, that the power to make internal improvements, ty than what arises from the consideration of services so vastly more extensive and important in itself, was ever rendered to the public." From the declaration of rights intended to be granted to the general government. This Vermont.After the like declaration as to the right of conclusion is rendered still more irresistible, when it is property, is the following; "That private property ought to tion for transferring to the general government the jurisobserved, that no means are pointed out in the constitube subservient to public uses when necessity requires it; diction necessary for the effectuation of this substantive nevertheless, when any person's property is taken for the use of the public, the owner ought to receive an equiva- power. This conclusion is still further enforced by the lent in money." From the declaration of rights-Mary-consideration, that the term "internal improvements" is land. "That monopolies are odious, contrary to the and the term "roads" are simple and familiar; and all the one in common and ordinary use-that the term "canals," spirit of a free government, and the principles of comtermas susceptible of the clearest definition. No reason merce, and ought not to be suffered." Other extracts from the constitutions of other states, to the same effect, ed to the general government, had they been intended to can then be assigned, why these powers were not grantmight be here quoted, but the committee conceive the have been granted, especially when the power to erect a foregoing sufficient to shew the general spirit, for the se- house, relatively of so little consequence was thought sufcurity of property end for an equality of rights amongst ficient to justify a particular grant of power, with speci individuals, pervading as well the constitution of the fied means of carrying it into effect. Besides all these United States, as of the several states. considerations, the peculiar character of the power to The following subject of enquiry, the committee deem make internal improvements is locality; locality, in its most highly important; and have, therefore, bestowed on it a limited form, and therefore peculiarly unsuited to the juriscorresponding consideration: “Whether the several laws dietion of the general government, which is general in its passed by the general government, for the purpose of in- character, and peculiarly suited to the jurisdiction of the ternal improvements, do not assert or involve a jurisdic-state governments, whose jurisdiction is intended for local tion over the territory within this commonwealth, beyond objects. From these considerations and many others which the grants to that government specified in the constitution might be adduced, the committee report, that, in their of the United States." The committee here feel con- opinion, the several laws passed by the general governstrained to observe that upon a most careful review of ment for the purpose of internal improvements: such as the constitution of the United States, they have not been the "act to procure the necessary surveys, plans and eaable to find therein the term "internal improvements,' timates upon the subject of roads and canals," approved nor any other equivalent term therefor. Nor have they May 4th, 1824, and others, whether they involve a jurisbeen able to find the word "canals" at all, nor the word diction over the territory within this commonwealth, or "roads," except as connected with the post office depart- only appropriate money for the purpose of making interment. The committee conceive that the power to make nal improvements, are unauthorized by the grants of pov improvements is not only an original substantive-but a er to the general government contained in the constitu primary, paramount power in itself, and not a derivative, i tion of the United States.

The committee have bestowed the like consideration object of protecting domestic manufactures. The power an the following enquiry: "whether the law, generally to protect domestic manufactures, not being found in the called the tariff law, does not violate the rights of private enumerated powers in the constitution, congress can have property, by taking it from its owner and giving it to no power to lay taxes for its effectuation. Congress havanother person, neither rendering public service." Upon ing power to lay and collect taxes, duties imposts and exa most careful review of the constitution of the United cises, have, unquestionably, the power to lay imposts States, in the 8th sec. of the 1st art, the committee find upon all foreign goods, for the purpose of revenue; proan enumeration of certain specified powers granted to the vided such revenue be applied to carry into effect, all or government of the United States. The first specification any of the enumerated powers. But, congress have no is in the following words: art. 1st, sec. 8. "The congress power to lay imposts upon foreign goods for the purpose shall have power. 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, of protecting domestic manufactures; because the proimposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the tection of manufactures is not included amongst the enucommon defence and general welfare of the United States, merated powers. The same process of reasoning would but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform apply with full force to the complete refutation of the dethroughout the United States.' Then follow other spe-lusive suggestion sometimes made, that the power to procifications. But the committee do not find amongst them tect manufactures is an incident to the power "to reguIt is denied, that the power to protect the specified power to protect manufactures. The term late commerce." protection of manufactures' is not to be found in the con- manufactures is an incidental power, or partakes any stitution, as well the word 'manufacturers,' itself; nor any thing of an incidental character. It is asserted, that it is, equivalent term for either. The enumerated powers con- in itself, an original substantive power, and incomparably tain all the powers which the people thought proper, by more important than the power to regulate commerce itthe constitution, to grant to the general government; in self; to which it is pretended to be an incident. The taorder to form a more perfect union, establish justice, en- riff law is not a regulation of commerce. It is a law for sure domestic tranquility, provide for the common de- the protection of domestic manufactures; and the means fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the bles-employed for that end, consist in the imposition of duties sings of liberty to themselves and their posterity. All upon foreign goods; not of any regulation of commerce, the enumerated powers were reserved to the states re- The regulation of commerce, therefore, is not the end of spectively, or to the people for the same objects; and so the law, nor the means employed by the law to effect the expressly declared to be in an amendment to the consti- end; which end is the protection of manufactures. The tution. This distribution of powers between the general object of this suggestion, therefore, seems to be, disingeand state governments, was ordained and declared by the nuously to arrive at the exercise of a plain, obvious and people, in their constitution, to afford the best means for palpable power, by indirect, which cannot be approached effecting the great ends of its formation. The power, to by direct means. The protection of manufactures inlay ad collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises,' fur- volves the most despotic and dangerous power that can nishes the essential means for carrying all the other enu- be exercised by government in any form. It places the merated powers into effect. The object of granting this occupation and property of every man, under the control power is declared to be, to pay the debts and provide tor of the government, and thus converts the citizen into the the common defence and general welfare of the United slave, the natural man into a governmental machine. It States' as restrained and limited by the specified powers. furnishes the widest scope for the false suggestions and Hence, under this grant, congress would have power to false calculations of human ambition, human avarice and lay and collect taxes, &c. for the purpose of paying the human canning, which, in the absence of all moral princidebts of the United States and for carrying into effect all ple, introduces injustice and inequality between the differ the other enumerated powers. But congress could de- ent sections of the union, and amongst individuals in all rive no power from this grant whatsoever, to assume and its parts. The present tariff law affords the most conspito carry into effect any power whatever, not included cuous evidences of these facts and consequences; and, if amongst the enumerated powers. The power to pro- persevered in, must, in the opinion of the committee, tect manufactures not being included amongst the enume-eventuate in the most frightful, consolidated despotism, rated powers, congress can therefore, derive no power or in the severance of the union of these states. whatever, from the grant to lay and collect taxes, &c. to But whether the object of the tariff law be legitimate protect manufactures. The protection of manufactures or not, it is certain that, under the operation of the very being an original, substantive, indeed, a primary, para-high imposts laid upon foreign goods, a legal capacity is mount power cannot be assumed by congress; or if it can, given to the domestic manufacturer of the like goods, to then any other power whatever may be assumed at plea- demand a premium in the sale of those goods to his cussure; because it is impossible to conceive upon what prin- tomers; which premium consists of their money, and is ciple of right congress could assume the power to protect over and above the actual worth of the articles sold.manufacturers, without assuming any other unenumerat-Hence, every purchaser pays, first, for the article, its ed power whatever at its own unlimited discretion. And, full, actual value, and then pays an additional price as a if congress can assume any unenumerated power at its premium for the protection of the owner of the manufac discretion, and also the means for carrying into effect; turing stock, or in other words, for his encouragement then are all the restraints imposed in the constitution, to cause the article to be made; and through this pro upon the will of the general government unavailing; cess, property is taken from its owner and given to anoand that government will become consolidated in itsther person, without receiving in exchange full, actual practice and unlimited in its will. The protection of value. The committee therefore report, as their opinion, manufactures, being a power peculiarly local its in cha- that the law, generally called the tariff law, does, in its racter, affords the strongest consideration to congress operation, violate the rights of private property, by takagainst its assumption; because directly against the spiriting it from its owner and giving it to another person, not of generality and equality which pervades the whole con- readering public service. stitution; and which was indispensable to its original existence. The force of this argument cannot be in the smallest degree diverted or evaded by the usual resort to the term 'general welfare.' That term contains no grant of power whatsoever, hut was intended, and is a restraint the pre-existing grant of power to lay and collect taxes, &c. The term is the general welfare of the U. States, and the plain and obvious meaning is to restrain congress from laying taxes; &c. to provide for any other welfare than the general welfare of the United States: To restrain congress from laying taxes, &c. to provide for the particular welfare of any particular state or the local welfare of any particular part of any particular state. The act of congress, passed May 22d, 1824, entitled, an act to amend the several acts imposing duties on imports, generally called the tariff law, was passed for the rowed

upon

The last object of enquiry is in the following words: "Whether, under the operations of the tariff law, a portion of the proceeds of the labor of the inhabitants of this commonwealth is not transferred to other parts of the United States, in violation of the two great principles upon which the constitution of the United States is founded, to wit: generality and equality; and, if so, to report, as far as practicable, the amount of the value of such proceeds, thus transferred." The committee conceive this inquiry to be extremely interesting to the people of this commonwealth; because it will serve to show, that, whilst they are taxed by intposts on foreign goods to an enormous amount, for the purpose of defraying the prodigal expenditures of the general government; they are at the same time taxed for the purpose of paying an enormous tribute to manufactures in other parts of the United States. The

Resolved, In like manner, that this general assembly fact is well known, that a very large amount of domestic goods is brought from other parts of the United States to does most solemly protest against the claim or exercise this commonwealth, and sold to the inhabitants thereof of any power, whatever, on the part of the general gofor consumption. Under the legal capacity given to the vernment, to protect domestic manfactures, the provenders of these goods by the enormous duties on import-tection of manufactures not being amongst the grants ed foreign goods, the venders are enabled to add to the of power to that government, specified in the constitution actual value of the article sold, the premium, thus granted of the United States; and also, against the operation of for its protection; which would not be the case, if the the act of congress, passed May 224, 1824, entitled, "an duties on foreign goods were reduced to a principle of re-act, to amend the several acts imposing duties on imports," venue, and all the unwarrantable expenditures of the go-generally called the tariff law, which vary the distribuvernment were happily to be dispensed with. This pre- tions of the proceeds of the labor of the community, in such mium to the manufacturer consists of the money of the a manner as to transfer property from one portion of the consumer, and is the tribute which the consumer pays United States to another; and to take private property from the manufacturer, under the tariff law, a tribute in the the owner for the benefit of another person, not rendering opinion of the committee, as little founded in right as the public service,-as unconstitutional, unwise, unjust, unBritish colonial tribute demanded on tea; (and many fold equal and oppressive. greater in amount). A tribute, which, in the judgment of the committee, ought, never to have been imposed by the general government, nor to have been borne by the people of this commonwealth, longer than they could call into action constitutional and peaceable means of relieving themselves from so undeserved and odious a burthen. The committee think it extremely desirable to ascertain the probable amount of the tribute annually thus drawn from the inhabitants of this commonwealth, as a premium to manufactures in other parts of the United States, But the committee at this late period of the session, find themselves without the means of ascertaining the probable amount with probable certainty.

In regard to the instruction to the committee, to report such measures for the adoption of the general assembly, as they shall think will most effectually tend to arrest the usurpations of the general government, if, upon inquiry, any should be found to exist,-your committee would observe: That, from the advanced period of the present session, they find themselves precluded from all attempts at recommending any system of efficient measures of counteraction, but relying upon the justice and intelligence of the people at large, and upon the co-operation, in any measures which may hereafter be recommended for adoption, of such parts of the United States as have a common interest with Virginia upon the subject, the committee recommend to this general assembly, to enter its most solemn protest against the foregoing usurpations of the general government, and therefore, propose for its adoption, the following resolutions:

These resolutions passed the house of delegates thusThe first resolution 134 ayes and 47 noes. The second resolution 159 aves and 19 noes. The third resolution 132 ayes and 49 nocs. On the 5th of March, the senate took up and decided upon these resolutions. Various propositions were made to amend, all which were voted down. The first was agreed to by 15 votes against 7-the second 18 against 4, the third 14 against 8.

After which

Mr. Morgan moved to amend the preamble by adding to the end thereof, the following:

Resolved. That the general assembly of Virginia doth unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and defend the constitution of the United States, and the constitution of this state, against every aggression, either foreign or domestic; that they will support the govern ment of the United States in all measures warranted by the former; and that this assembly most solemnly declare a warm attachment to the union of the states, to maintain which, it pledges all its powers.

This was agreed to-12 to 10. The question then being taken on the preamble and resolutions, generally, the whole were passed 14 to 8. But on the following day, the 6th of March, the house of delegates having refused to accept the senate's amendment to the preamble, the senate receded therefrom-11 to 8. [It is difficult to apprehend why this proposition was opposed-and much speculation has been made about it. The proceedings on these resolutions, and especially in the senate, produced great deal of feeling.]

a

While the report and resolutions were before the house of delegates, gen. Taylor moved a substitute, which shall be inserted in our next, with one or two additional remarks, that the whole subject may be preserved.

DEBATE ON THE WOOL BILL. Speech of Mr. Mallary, chairman of the committee of manufactures, in the house of representatives, Jan. 17,

The general assembly of Virginia, actuated, as it always has been by the most sincere disposition for the preservation of the union of these states-believing that the union can only be preserved, by keeping the general and state governments within their respective spheres of action, as marked out by the constitution of the United Statesbeing also sincerely desirous that the general government should be protected in the full and free exercise of all the specified powers granted to it by the constitution of the United States, and being, at the same time deeply impres sed with a sense of its own duty, to preserve, unimpaired, all the rights of the people and government of this state, conferred upon it by the state, and of the United States finds itself reluctantly constrained to enter its most solemn protest against the usurpations of the general government, as described in the report of its committee-ral as well as the manufacturing interests, representing Therefore,

1827.

Mr. Mallary said he would present a view of the subject which had been pressed upon the consideration of congress by memorials from different parts of the United States. It involved the interests of thousands, and to a vast amount. Those memorials were from the agricultu

their condition, and asking most earnestly the interposition of government in their favor. Without further preface, he would advance to the subject.

Resolved, That this general assembly, in behalf of the people and government of this state, does, hereby, most soIn the first place, he would endeavor to ascertain the lemly protest against the claim or exercise of any power whatever, on the part of the general government, to make interest depending upon the present question. He would internal improvements within the limits and jurisdiction not be minute in details, yet would explain the general of the several states, and particularly within the limits of calculations which have led to the result to which he had the state of Virginia;—and also, against the claim or ex-arrived. He had no doubt, from the information given ercise of any power whatever, asserting or involving a jurisdiction over any part of the territory within the limits of this state, except over the objects and in the mode specified in the constitution of the United States.

Resolved, In like manner, that this general assembly does, hereby, most solemly protest against any claim or exercise of power, whatever, on the part of the general government, which serves to draw money from the inhabitants of this state, into the treasury of the United States, and to disburse it for any object, whatever, except for carrying into effect the grants of power to the general government, contained in the constitution of the United States.

to the committee, that the amount of capital invested in the woollen manufacture, could not be less than forty millions of dollars. He had taken pains to obtain, as far as practicable, certain facts, in preference to a dependence on general opinions and estimates. When paricu lar facts were obtained, they become data upon which a result might be produced with sufficient certainty. L appears from actual examination, that, east of Connecti cut river, in Massachusetts, excepting one or two estab lishments west, the capital actually invested was upward. of five millions and a half of dollars. Berkshire is sai to have a million. It was probable from this, that th whole in Massachusetts was at least eight millions. From

all

information that could be obtained from other quar ters of the union, the capital thus stated was one-fifth of all the remainder. Take New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, and he thought, forty millions might be considered as the amount in the United States. Gentlemen might judge for themselves. We can thus arrive at sufficient certainty for all practical purposes. This capital of $8,000,000 employs 12,000 persons making 60,000 at least now engaged in the woollen trade of the United States. This is the manufacturing inte

rest.

candid attention of gentlemen from the middle and southHe would ask the farmers in the house to ern states.

notice the statements he was about to make. He thought it deserving of consideration, however gentlemen might differ as to the conclusions he might draw.

It is ascertained as one fact, that in one manufactory where 260 persons are employed, above 300 barrels of flour were consumed in the year 1826. This was obtain ed from New York, and Petersburgh, in Virginia, and the intermediate ports. Again, there were imported into Boston in 1826, 281,000 barrels. Of this 72,177 were exported; leaving 209,704 for consumption. Mr. M. Next, he would present, the value of the agricultural said he had taken much pains to ascertain the quantity interest. In the first place, he would consider the flocks imported into other parts of New England. Gentlemen of the United States. Many had estimated the number well informed, those concerned in the trade, had estimatof sheep, at 15,000,000. In 1825, the number in Newed that the quantity imported into Maine, New HampYork was ascertained to be 3,496,000. Now he consider-shire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, could not be less ed that it might be 4,000,000. Considering the great than three times more than was imported into Boston. number in New England, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Providence afforded a vast market. A great amount asOhio, west Virginia, and Maryland, he considered New cended Connecticut river into the centre of Massachu York had one-fourth. This would give 16,000,000 in the setts. Mr. M. said he had estimated that about twice as United States. Gentlemen could form their own esti- much was imported into all the remainder of New Eng The number mentioned might be too high or too land as was into Boston. This would give 629,000 harlow, It was sufficient to answer the great object in view. reis for domestic use in this section of the union. GenHe considered 10,000,000, at least, were added in conse-tlemen will decide whether this estimate is overrated. quence of the establishment of manufacturing institu- The value at $5 50 per barrel amounts to $3,480,000,

mate.

tions.

Mr. M. said he requested gentlemen to notice from In estimating the value, it was to be considered that whence this supply was derived. He then made a statethe manufacture had been the cause of adding to the value ment, from which it appeared there were received:of the flocks of the country. It had been a great object 119,202 barrels from Baltimore; Alexandria 58,000; among the rulers of the most enlightened nations of Eu- Georgetown 1,962; Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Norrope, to secure to themselves the best blood of that va- folk 31,000; in all 91,000 from Virginia. This, he asked luable race of animals. It is worthy of the attention of gentlemen from that state to notice. The remainder the the most distinguished and intelligent citizens of this na- quantity from New York, Philadelphia, and other ports tion. We know that immense pains has been taken to on the coast. Deducting the average amount exported improve it here. The best of the Saxony and Spanish from Boston, would leave 71,000 barrels of Virginia had been introduced at great expense, by the most pa-flour for New England use imported into the single port triotic individuals of this country. Mr. M. then esti- of Boston. If this is one third, New England consumes mated the 10,000,000 at two dollars each, and considered of Virginia flour 213,000 barrels-worth over a million of it a low estimate, if any encouragement existed for the dollars. These are facts well worthy of consideration raw material. This would make the value of flocks in by the farmers of Virginia. the United States, dependent upon the manufacture, agricultural produce obtained? By what means was payment made? He said he would leave the answer to be twenty millions of dollars. made by every gentleman for himself.

By exact returns from establishments having $5,685,000 capital, it appears they consume $5,985,000 pounds of wool; $40,000,000 would require above 40,000,000 pounds of the raw material. But suppose 30,000,000 pounds. This would, at 35 cents per pound, be above 10,000,000. Next Mr. M. estimated the landed interest devoted to the increase of locks in the United States, dependent on the manufactures. He allowed four to the acre. This would require 2,500,000 acres, at eight dollars per acre, would be 20,000,000 dollars. He had taken pains to ascertain the value of land in different states. Taking New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, he thought the value he had estimated not too high. GenThe result was, that the agricultural interest had at least $40,000,000 in the question of the protection of the domestic manufactures. The capital of both interests, then, amounted to $80,000,000.

tlemen could correct him if in error.

How was this amount of

Again. There was imported into Boston in the month of December last 80,000 bushels of corn, mostly from the southern and middle states. In proportion to the estimate for flour, the amount would be almost beyond belief. Gentlemen, from the fact stated, will make their own deductions.

Now, said Mr. M. examine the exports of flour to EuThey will be found not to exceed, in 1825, rope. 56,675 barrels. New England consumes, as we have seen, 629,000. We exported, in 1825, to all parts of the world, 813,000; and in 1826, 858,000 barrels. Again, in 1825, we exported to the British West Indies 114,000 barrels; to Cuba 109,000; to Brazil 134,000. These foreign exportations are considered of wonderful importance. We send now and then a cargo of flour to Valparaiso or Lima. The arrival-the price, high or low, is reported through the nation as if its fate was involved. Mr. M. said he would next advert to the advantages of But the steady, silent, valuable market of New England wool-growing to this country. It gave a value to hills attracts no public attention, Annihilate this great market and mountains. Remote sections of the nation, most re- said Mr. M. and the immense quantity there consumed moved from navigable rivers and good roads, would be to the market which would be left, let the effects which rendered valuable. Nothing else could be produced that would certainly follow be experienced by the farmer of would pay transportation to market. No article could be Virginia and Maryland, it would seem that none can produced so valuable as wool, in proportion to its weight. deny that the New England market was of immense adThose portions of New England, New York, Pennsylva-vantage. Destroy the manufacturing interest, and connia and Ohio, and western Virginia, which are of little value for grain, would become profitable and valuable, could this great staple have a market. Some of the best flocks in the United States are in west Virginia. It has already found its way to New York and Boston, and found a valuable market. As it regards the other great employments of the nation, it does not interfere. All our markets are now filled to overflowing with agricultural products. So much of capital, as has been stated, is added to the landed interest; so much for that great inteimmediately dependent for its principal value on manufactures.

rest

Allow me now, said Mr. M. to show how much other branches of agriculture are interested. He asked the

vietion of this would press on the farmer with irresistible force. The means of the north to purchase would at once cease, and the people would provide for themselves in a different way.

Mr. M. said he would now call the attention of the committee to the cotton manufacture. It was so intimately connected with the subject in view, that an omission could not be allowed. Mr. Gallatin, in 1811, estimated the quantity of cotton manufactured in the United States, at 3,600,000 pounds. The value of yarn at 90 cents per pound, was $3.240,000. By an able and interesting report of the committee of commerce and manufactures in 1816, in which the soundest principles of political economy are most forcibly explained, the capital then