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Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and citizens of Dublin, a long letter was addressed to the Protestants of Ireland, urging them to resist to the last the emancipation of the Catholics. It was adopted unanimously.

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Having thus, countrymen and friends, spoken to you our sentiments in the undisguised language of truth, we shall entreat you to join with us in using every honest means of persuading the Roman Catholics to rest content with, the most perfect toleration of their religion,-the fullest security of their property,—and the most complete personal liberty; but by no means, now or hereafter, to attempt any interference in the government of the kingdom; as such interference would be incompatible with the Protestant ascendency, which we have resolved with our lives and fortunes to maintain. And that no doubt may remain of what we understand by the words 'Protestant Ascendency,' we have further resolved, that we consider the Protestant ascendency to consist in-a Protestant King of Ireland,―a Protestant Parliament,―a Protestant hierarchy, -Protestant Electors and Government,-the benches of Justice, the Army and the Revenue,-through all their branches and details, Protestant, and this system supported by a connection with the Protestant Realm of Britain."* Against this monstrous injustice Grattan raised his powerful voice. "What!" he exclaimed, "the Catholics never be free!" He declared that such mighty wrong could not stand. He anticipated a change of times,—a new order of things. "You may as well plant your foot * Sir Richard Musgrave's History, vol. ii. p. 223.

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upon the earth, and hope by that resistance to stop the diurnal revolution, which advances you to that morning sun which is to shine alike on the Protestant and the Catholic, as you can hope to arrest the progress of that other light, reason and justice, which comes to liberate the Catholic, and to liberalize the Protestant."

Tone was not dismayed at the opposition which the efforts of the Catholics and United Irishmen had provoked. "All parties," he says, "were now fully employed in preparing for the ensuing session of Parliament. The government, through the organ of the corporations and grand juries, opened a heavy fire upon us of manifestoes and resolutions. At first we were like young soldiers, a little stunned with the noise, but after a few rounds, we began to look about us, and seeing nobody drop with all this furious cannonade, we took courage, and determined to return the fire."

Their exertions were most successful, The spirit of the Catholics was aroused. Political information was widely diffused. Union gave them confidence, while the triumphs of liberty in France strengthened their zeal and their courage. The result of these exertions was seen at the close of this year. In December, 1792, a Convention of Delegates from the Catholics of Ireland assembled in Dublin. It was composed of delegates from all the counties, cities, and principal towns of the kingdom. This was an imposing body, representing as it did three millions of men. It assembled in the same room in Back Lane, in which the Parliament of King James sat at the time of the Revolution. Its object was to draw up a

statement of the grievances of the Catholics, and without petitioning further to the Irish parliament, to appeal directly to the King. This was a violation of ordinary rules. The usual course had been to place a petition in the hands of the Lord Lieutenant, who transmitted it to His Majesty. But this was no time for civilities. They had lost all confidence in the Irish administration, and would ask no favors from them. They would not bend the knee of supplication to any power less than the Monarch of those realms. They found-what is generally true that the higher the authority to which they appealed, the more likely was their petition to be treated with respect. Subordinate officials, wielding a limited and short-lived authority, are generally ambitious to show their power. Wherefore they appealed to Cæsar. Tone was the only Protestant admitted to the Convention. He wrote their memorable petition to George III. The members of the Convention signed it. The Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Cork added their names as representing the Catholic Clergy of Ireland. Tone accompanied the delegation which carried it to England.

On their way they passed through Belfast. So thoroughly had the principles of the United Irishmen pervaded that noble city, that at their departure, the people assembled in crowds, and took their horses from their carriage, and drew them through the town, amid enthusiastic cheers, and cries of "Success attend you," "Union," "Equal Laws," and "Down with the Ascendency." * "The delegates pursued their way to London. * Moore's Life of Fitzgerald, vol. i. p. 155.

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Earl Moira at once waited on them to offer them the hospitality of his mansion, and the command of his household. He repeatedly entertained them in a style of princely magnificence. They entered the Palace of St. James, and were presented by Right Hon. Henry Dundas to George III. Thus they had fought their way to the foot of the throne. His Majesty received them very politely, conversing familiarly with each of the delegates, and respectfully considered their petition. The result was a repeal of the most oppressive penal laws, and the admission of Catholics to the elective franchize.

A wonderful change had indeed come over the spirit of the Protestant ascendency. But a few years before the Catholics were in the lowest political degradation. As late as 1759 the Irish Chancellor had declared from the bench, that "the laws did not presume a papist to exist in the kingdom, nor could they breathe without the connivance of government." Though the Catholics had uniformly presented an abject address on the accession of every new Lord Lieutenant, they had been scarcely thought worth noticing. In fact the Duke of Portland in 1782 was the first who condescended to give them an answer. And when they had ventured so far as to supplicate a little redress, in 1790, they could not find a single member of the Legislature to present their petition. Even later, in 1792 their petition was spurned with contempt by that very Parliament, which one year after hastened to grant it with a precipitation which showed that it was yielded to fear rather than justice.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS DISBANDED.-EARL FITZWILLIAM LORD LIEUTENANT.— THE UNITED IRISHMEN CHANGED TO A SECRET SOCIETY.-TRIAL AND DEATH OF REV. WILLIAM JACKSON.-HAMILTON ROWAN MAKES HIS ESCAPE.-TONE FLEES TO AMERICA.--MEETS OLD COMRADES.-SAILS FOR FRANCE.

MEANWHILE the organization of the Irish Volunteers had gradually declined. They had made a fatal mistake at the outset, in excluding the Catholics from their ranks and from the objects of their petitions. There was a palpable inconsistency in demanding equal representation for themselves, and denying it to three fourths of the nation. The government had viewed with jealousy the existence of such a body of armed men. They felt the suspicion of the Volunteers which the present governments of Europe feel of their National Guards; and seized every means to weaken their imposing array. Corruption did its work upon some of the leaders. The Volunteers began to hesitate and waver in their policy. Their numbers and their enthusiasm diminished, until in 1793, the government, seeing the moment opportune, issued an order that any assemblage of the Volunteers should be dispersed by an armed force. This gave the death-blow to that body, which had achieved so much for their country, and which might have gained every thing, if they had been

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