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thematics, I may only make this prediction, that there cannot fail to be more kinds of them, as nature grows further disclosed. Thus much of Natural Science or the part of Nature Speculative.

75 For Natural Prudence, or the part Operative of Natural Philosophy, we will divide it into three parts, Experimental, Philosophical, and Magical,76 which three parts active have a correspondence and analogy with the three parts Speculative Natural History, Physic, and Metaphysic. For many operations have been invented, sometimes by a casual incidence and occurrence, sometimes by a purposed experiment; and of those which have been found by an intentional experiment, some have been found out by varying or extending the same experiment, some by transferring and compounding divers experiments the one into the other, which kind of invention an empiric may manage 77. Again, by the knowledge of physical causes there cannot fail to follow many indications and designations of new particulars, if men in their speculation will keep one eye upon use and practice. But these are but coastings along the shore, premendo littus iniquum; for it seemeth to me there can hardly be discovered any radical or fundamental alterations and innovations in nature, either by the fortune and essays of experiments, or by the light and direction of physical causes. If therefore we have reported Metaphysic deficient, it must follow that we do the like of Natural Magic, which hath relation thereunto. For as for the Natural Magic whereof now there is mention in books, containing certain credulous Naturalis and superstitious conceits and observations of Sympathies and Anti- Magia, sive Physica pathies and hidden proprieties, and some frivolous experiments, Operativa strange rather by disguisement than in themselves; it is as far dif- Major. fering in truth of nature from such a knowledge as we require, as the story of King Arthur of Britain, or Hugh of Bourdeaux, differs from Cæsar's commentaries in truth of story. For it is manifest that Cæsar did greater things de vero than those imaginary heroes were feigned to do. But he did them not in that fabulous manner. Of this kind of learning the fable of Ixion was a figure, who designed to enjoy Juno, the goddess of power; and instead of her had copulation with a cloud, of which mixture were begotten centaurs and chimeras. So whoso ever shall entertain high and vaporous imaginations instead of a laborious and sober inquiry of truth, shall beget hopes and beliefs of strange and impossible shapes. And therefore we may note in these sciences which hold so much of imagination and belief, as this degenerate Natural Magic, Alchemy, Astrology, and the like, that in their propositions the description of the means is ever more monstrous than the pretence or end. For it is a thing more probable, that he that knoweth well the natures of Weight, of Colour, of Pliant and Fragile in respect of the hammer, of Volatile and Fixed in respect of the fire, and the rest, may superinduce upon some metal the nature and form of gold by such mechanique as belongeth to the production of the natures afore rehearsed, than that some

ntellect is repeated both in a later chapter of the De Augmentis (vi. 4. ; to which place indeed the observation properly belongs), and in the Essay on Studies as published in 1625. Nor is there any difficulty in accounting for the omission of it here. When Bacon wrote the Advancement in 1605, he had no deficiency to report in the department of Mathematics; he could not name any branch of the study which had not been properly pursued, and merely took the opportunity of observing by the way that the study of the pure mathematics had a collateral and incidental value as an instrument of education : an observation very good and just in itself, but not at all to the purpose of the argument. When he revised the work in 1622 he knew more about mathematics, and was able to point out certain deficiencies which were very much to the purpose, especially as to the doctrine of Solids in Geometry and of Series in Arithmetic; and in introducing a relevant observation he naturally struck out the irrelevant one. 75 De Aug. iii. 5.

76 In the translation the name Natural Prudence is omitted; the part operative is divided into two parts, instead of three; viz. Mechanic and Magic; and the whole exposition is much altered and enlarged.

77 Being a matter of ingenuity and sagacity, rather than philosophy (quæ magis ingeniosa res est et sagax, quam philosophica). This is in fact the Experientia Literata of which we hear more further on.

grains of the medicine projected should in a few moments of time turn a sea of quicksilver or other material into gold. So it is more probable, that he that knoweth the nature of arefaction, the nature of assimilation of nourishment to the thing nourished, the manner of increase and clearing of spirits, the manner of the depredations which spirits make upon the humours and solid parts, shall by ambages of diets, bathings, anointings, medicines, motions, and the like, prolong life or restore some degree of youth or vivacity, than that it can be done with the use of a few drops or scruples of a liquor or receit. To conclude therefore, the true Natural Magic, which is that great liberty and latitude of operation which dependeth upon the knowledge of Forms, I may report deficient, as the relative thereof is. To which part, if we be serious and incline not to vanities and plausible discourse, besides the deriving and deducing the operations themselves from Metaphysic, there are pertinent two points of much purpose, the one by way of preparation, the other by way of caution. The first is, that there be made a Calendar resembling an inventory 78 of the estate of man, containing all the inventions (being the works or fruits of nature or art) which are now extant and whereof man is already possessed; out of which doth naturally result a note, what things are yet held impossible, or not invented; which calendar will be the more artificial and serviceable, if to every reputed impossibility you add what thing is extant which cometh the neareth in degree to that impossibility; to the end that by these optatives and potentials man's inquiry may be the more awake in deducing direction of works from the speculation of causes. And secondly, that those experiments be not only esteemed which have an immediate and present use, but those principally which are of most universal consequence for invention of other experiments, and those which give most light to the invention of causes; for the invention of the mariner's needle, which giveth the direction, is of no less benefit for navigation than the invention of the sails, which give the motion 79.

Inventarium Opum huma.

narum.

80 Thus have I passed through Natural Philosophy, and the deficiences thereof; wherein if I have differed from the ancient and received doctrines, and thereby shall move contradiction; for my part, as I affect not to dissent, so I purpose not to contend. If it be truth,

Non canimus surdis, respondent omnia sylvæ

[All as we sing the listening woods reply]:

And as

the voice of nature will consent, whether the voice of man do or no. Alexander Borgia was wont to say of the expedition of the French for Naples, that they came with chalk in their hands to mark up their lodgings, and not with weapons to fight; so I like better that entry of truth which cometh peaceably with chalk to mark up their minds which are capable to lodge and harbour it, than that which cometh with pugnacity and contention.

81 But there remaineth a division of Natural Philosophy according to the report of the inquiry, and nothing concerning the matter or subject; and that is positive and Considerative; when the inquiry reporteth either an Assertion or a Doubt. These doubts or non liquets are of two sorts, Particular and Total. For the first, we see a good example thereof in Aristotle's Problems, which deserved to have had a better continuance, but so nevertheless as there is one point whereof warning is to be given and taken. The registering of doubts hath two excellent uses : the one, that it saveth philosophy from errors and falsehoods; when that which

78 This is the Inventory which (as I think) was to be contained in the tenth chapter of the Valerius Terminus. See my note on Mr. Ellis's preface.

79 This example is omitted in the translation, to make room for a better (with which Bacon was probably not acquainted in 1605)—the artificial congelation of water; an experiment which he especially valued as giving light to the secret process of condensation.

80 The passage corresponding to this paragraph concludes the third book of the De Augmentis. That which follows is transferred to the middle of the fourth chapter.

81 The substance of this paragraph will be found in the middle of the fourth chapter of the third book of the De Augmentis.

is not fully appearing is not collected into assertion, whereby error might draw error, but reserved in doubt: the other, that the entry of doubts are as so many suckers or spunges to draw use 82 of knowledge; insomuch as that which if doubts had not preceded a man should never have advised but passed it over without note, by the suggestion and solicitation of doubts is made to be attended and applied. But both these commodities do scarcely countervail an inconvenience which will intrude itself, if it be not debarred; which is, that when a doubt is once received men labour rather how to keep it a doubt still than how to solve it, and accordingly bend their wits 83. Of this we see the familiar example in lawyers and scholars, both which if they have once admitted a doubt, it goeth ever after authorized for a doubt. But that use of wit and knowledge is to be allowed which laboureth to make doubtful things certain, and not those which labour to make certain things doubtful. Therefore these calendars of doubts I commend as excellent things, so that there be this caution used, that when Continuatio they be throughly sifted and brought to resolution, they be from Problemathenceforth omitted, decarded,* and not continued to cherish and en- tum in courage men in doubting. To which calendar of doubts or problems Natura. I advise be annexed another calendar, as much or more material, which is a calendar of popular error: I mean chiefly in natural history,84 such as Catalogus pass in speech and conceit, and are nevertheless apparently detected Falsitatum and convicted of untruth; that man's knowledge be not weakened grassantium nor imbased by such dross and vanity. As for the doubts or non liin historia quets general or total, I understand those differences of opinions touchNaturæ. ing the principles of nature and the fundamental points of the same, which have caused the diversity of sects, schools, and philosophies; as that of Empedocles, Pythagoras, Democritus, Parmenides, and the rest 85. For although Aristotle, as though he had been of the race of the Ottomans, thought he could not reign except the first thing he did he killed all his brethren; yet to those that seek truth and not magistrality, it cannot but seem a matter of great profit to see before them the several opinions touching the foundations of nature; not for any exact truth that can be expected in those theories; for as the same phænomena in astronomy are satisfied by the received astronomy of the diurnal motion and the proper motions of the planets with their eccentrics and epicycles, and likewise by the theory of Copernicus who supposed the earth to move; and the calculations are indifferently agreeable to both; so the ordinary face and view of experience is many times satisfied by several theories and philosophies; whereas to find the real truth requireth another manner of severity and attention. For as Aristotle saith that children at the first will call every woman mother, but afterwards they come to distinguish according to truth; so experience, if it be in childhood, will call every philosophy mother, but when it cometh to ripeness it will discern the true mother. So as in the mean time it is good to see the several glosses and opinions upon nature, whereof it may be every one in some one point hath seen clearer than his

fellows. Therefore I wish some collection to be made painfully and De Antiquis

understandingly de antiquis philosophiis, out of all the possible light which remaineth to us of them 86. Which kind of work I find defiPhilosophiis. cient. But here I must give warning, that it be done distinctly and severely 87; the philosophies of every one throughout by themselves; and not by titles packed and faggoted up together, as hath been done by Plutarch. For it is the harmony

82 i.e. increase. (quæ incrementa scientiæ perpetuo ad se sugant et alliciant).

83 This is explained in the translation by adding that the recognition of the doubt has the effect of raising champions to maintain each side, and so keeping it up.

* [i.e. discarded]. 84 vel in Historia Naturali, vel in Dogmatibus.-De Aug. 85 In the translation Empedocles is omitted; and Philolaus, Xenophanes, Anaxagoras, Leucippus, added.

86 Such (according to the translation) as the Lives of the ancient Philosophers, Plutarch's collection of placita, Plato's quotations, Aristotle's confutations, and the scattered notices in Lactantius, Philo, Philostratus, &c.

87 So both in the original and in ed. 1633; perhaps a misprint for "severally." Ed. 1629 has severedly. The translation has distinctè only.

of a philosophy in itself which giveth it light and credence; whereas if it be singled and broken, it will seem more foreign and dissonant. For as when I read in Tacitus the actions of Nero or Claudius, with circumstances of times, inducements, and occasions, I find them not so strange; but when I read them in Suetonius Tranquillus gathered into titles and bundles, and not in order of time, they seem more monstrous and incredible; so is it of any philosophy reported entire, and dismembered by articles. Neither do I exclude opinions of latter times to be likewise represented in this calendar of sects of philosophy, as that of Theophrastus Paracelsus, eloquently reduced into an harmony by the pen of Severinus the Dane; and that of Telesius, and his scholar Donius, being as a pastoral philosophy, full of sense but of no great depth; and that of Fracastorius, who though he pretended not to make any new philosophy, yet did use the absoluteness of his own sense upon the old; and that of Gilbertus our countryman, who revived, with some alterations and demonstrations, the opinions of Xenophanes 88; and any other worthy to be admitted.

Thus have we now dealt with two of the three beams of man's knowledge; that is Radius Directus, which is referred to nature, Radius Refractus, which is referred to God, and cannot report truly because of the inequality of the medium. There resteth Radius Reflexus whereby Man beholdeth and contemplateth himself.

89 We come therefore now to that knowledge whereunto the ancient oracle directeth us, which is the knowledge of ourselves; which deserveth the more accurate handling, by how much it toucheth us more nearly. This knowledge, as it is the end and term of natural philosophy in the intention of man, so notwithstanding it is but a portion of natural philosophy in the continent of nature. And generally let this be a rule, that all partitions of knowledges be accepted rather for lines and veins, than for sections and separations; and that the continuance and entireness of knowledge be preserved. For the contrary hereof hath made particular sciences to become barren, shallow, and erroneous; while they have not been nourished and maintained from the common fountain. So we see Cicero the orator complained of Socrates and his school, that he was the first that separated philosophy and rhetoric; whereupon rhetoric became an empty and verbal art. So we may see that the opinion of Copernicus touching the rotation of the earth 90, which astronomy itself cannot correct because it is not repugnant to any of the phænomena, yet natural philosophy may correct. So we see also that the science of medicine, if it be destituted and forsaken by natural philosophy, it is not much better than an empirical practice. With this reservation therefore we proceed to Human Philosophy or Humanity, which hath two parts: the one considereth man segregate, or distributively; the other congregate, or in society. So as Human Philosophy is either Simple and Particular, or Conjugate and Civil. Humanity Particular consisteth of the same parts whereof man consisteth; that is, of knowledges which respect the Body, and of knowledges that respect the Mind. But before we distribute so far, it is good to constitute. For I do take the consideration in general and at large of Human Nature to be fit to be emancipate and made a knowledge by itself; not so much in regard of those delightful and elegant discourses which have been made of the dignity of man 91, of

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88 This passage is considerably altered in the translation, and the differences are worth noticing as bearing upon the course of Bacon's reading and the development of his views in the interval. After the notice of Paracelsus the translation proceeds or of Telesius of Consentium, who revived the philosophy of Parmenides and so turned the arms of the Peripatetics against themselves; or of Patricius the Venetian, who sublimated the fumes of the Platonists; or of our countryman Gilbert, who set up again the doctrines of Philolaus". The names of Donius, Fracastorius, and Xenophanes are entirely omitted. I do not know whether Mr. Ellis's attention had been directed to these changes.

89 De Aug. iv. 1. The whole of this chapter is much altered and enlarged; re-written rather than translated.

90 The translation adds, quæ nunc quoque invaluit.

91 In the De Augmentis this part is numbered among the Desiderata. The miseries of man, he says, have been well set forth both by philosophers and theologians; but

his miseries, of his state and life, and the like adjuncts of his common and undivided nature; but chiefly in regard of the knowledge concerning the sympathies and concordances between the mind and body, which, being mixed, cannot be properly assigned to the sciences of either.

This knowledge hath two branches: for as all leagues and amities consist of mutual Intelligence and mutual Offices, so this league of mind and body hath these two parts; how the one discloseth the other, and how the one worketh upon the other; Discovery, and Impression. The former of these hath begotten two arts, both of Prediction or Prenotion; whereof the one is honoured with the inquiry of Aristotle, and the other of Hippocrates. And although they have of later time been used to be coupled with superstitious and fantastical arts, yet being purged and restored to their true state, they have both of them a solid ground in nature, and a profitable use in life. The first is Physiognomy, which discovereth the disposition of the mind by the lineaments of the body. The second is the Exposition of Natural Dreams, which discovereth the state of the body by the imaginations of the mind. In the former of these I note a deficience.92 For Aristotle hath very ingeniously and diligently handled the factures of the body, but not the gestures of the body, which are no less comprehensible by art, and of greater use and advantage. For the Lineaments of the body do disclose the disposition and inclination of the mind in general; but the Motions of the countenance and parts do not only so, but do further disclose the present humour and state of the mind and will. For as your Majesty saith most aptly and elegantly, As the tongue speaketh to the ear, so the gesture speaketh to the eye. And therefore a number of subtile persons, whose eyes do dwell upon the faces and fashions of men, do well know the advantage of this observation, as being most part of their ability; neither can it be denied but that it is a great discovery of dissimulations, and a great direction in business. The latter branch, touching Impression, hath not been collected into art, but hath been handled dispersedly; and it hath the same relation or antistrophe that the former hath. For the consideration is double: Either how and how far the humours and affects 93 of the body do alter or work upon the mind; or again, how and how far the passions or apprehensions of the mind do alter or work upon the body. The former of these hath been inquired and considered as a part and appendix of Medicine, but much more as a part of Religion or Superstition. For the physician prescribeth cures of the mind in phrensies and melancholy passions; and pretendeth also to exhibit medicines to exhilarate the mind, to confirm the courage, to clarify the wits, to corroborate the memory, and the like; but the scruples and superstitions of diet and other regiment of the body in the sect of the Pythagoreans, in the heresy of the Manicheans, and in the law of Mahomet, do exceed. So likewise the ordinances in the Ceremonial Law, interdicting the eating of the blood and the fat, distinguishing between beasts clean and unclean for meat, are many and strict. Nay the faith itself, being clear and serene from all clouds of Ceremony, yet retaineth the use of fastings, abstinences, and other macerations and humiliations of the body, as things real, and not figurative.94 The root and life of all which prescripts is, (besides the ceremony 95), the consideration of the dependency which the affections of the mind are submitted unto upon the state and disposition of the body, And if any

of what he calls the triumphs of man, (that is, instances of the highest perfection which human faculties, mental or bodily, have exhibited), he wishes a collection to be made from history; and gives a page or two of anecdotes by way of example.

92 With regard to the latter, of which nothing more is said here, he observes in the De Augmentis that the treatment it has received is full of follies, and not grounded upon the most solid basis,-which is that when the same sensation is produced in the sleeper by an internal cause which is usually the effect of some external act, he will dream of that act; as in the case of nightmare, where the sensation of oppression on the stomach created by the fumes of indigestion makes a man dream that his body is oppressed by a weight superimposed. 93 temperamentum.-De Aug.

94 tanquam rerum non mere ritualium sed etiam fructuosarum.-De Aug. 95 The translation adds, " and the exercise of obedience ".

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