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POLITICAL, &c.

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Art. 29.
A Letter to the Hon. Thomas Erskine; containing some
Strictures on his View of the Causes and Consequences of the
sent War with France. By John Gifford, Esq. Author of a
Letter to the Earl of Lauderdale, &c. &c. 8vo. pp. 171. 35.
Longman. 1797.

• Affectation and hypocricy,' says Mr. G. (p. 170) which the refinement of modern philosophy has dignified with the equivocal appellations of liberality and moderation, are not the weapons of TRUTH.' Under the influence of this principle, in its utmost latitude, the present publication appears to have been written. It is violent, scur rilous, and abusive, yet without force, satire, or humour. It concludes with this paragraph: A firm determination to suffer no imposition to be practised upon the public, on a point of such extreme importance to the nation, and a wish to display the conduct of your party in a proper point of view, led me to submit, in a state of health but ill-calculated for mental exertion of any kind, to the trouble of perusing your tract and exposing its defects;-To use your own language "These considerations induced me to travel through one of the most dull, despicable, and miserable performances, that ever I had been doomed to read."

Art. 30. A Letter to John Gifford, Esq. containing Strictures on the Tendency of his Writings in general, and of his Letter to the Hon. Thomas Erskine in particular. 8vo. 1s. Crosby.

If we knew Mr. Gifford only by his letter to Mr. Erkine, we should pronounce that he did not deserve so respectable an antagonist as the author of this epistle.

Art. 31. Considerations on the Depression of the Funds, and the present Embarrassments of Circulation with Propositions for some Remedies to each. By J. Brand, M. A. 8vo. 2s. R. White. 1797

After having described, and endeavoured to account for the late extreme depression of the Stocks, Mr. Brand suggests various remedies or palliatives. 1. Adulterating the Coin; which Beccaria, in his Trattato delle Monete, has shewn to be always injurious at the moment of alteration, and to operate not at all after it is detected and understood. 2. The Taxation of Exports; which would diminish still farther the demand for our declining manufactures, 3. An Equalization of the Land-tax; which, as appears to us, ought to be accomplished by selling off totally, at 20 or 25 years' purchase, the old tax, and assessing a new, an equitable, and a heavier one. On this favourite topic, let,us hear the author:

This ill-omened inequality has already cost the empire one civil war: a plan of a parliamentary union between the Colonies and the Mother Country, was drawn up by a gentleman who had visited many provinces of America, and laid before Dr. Franklin, a considerable time before the rupture.-That acute politician approved the detail of it, as sufficiently liberal in its provision for the weight of the Colonies in the House of Commons, according to the population they

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had then acquired; yet he rejected it as inadmissible, on account of the injustice he imputed to majorities in that house, even to their own countrymen, which he contended to be manifested by this inequality. To annihilate it, would diminish the hazard of a second series of intestine hostilities, far more dangerous than the first, by raising the present price of stock; alleviating future war taxes by reducing the terms on which money is to be borrowed, accelerating the return of confidence in the national strength at peace, by a more rapid rise of the funds; and depriving the disaffected in certain counties, of an argument which may be played off with terrible effect there, to involve every thing in confusion.

I continue to consider this equalization as "the anchor of national hope;” and it is heartily at this juncture to be wished, when the necessity of this equitable concession is so urgent, the benefits that would result from it so great, that some leading men of the remote districts, in and out of Parliament, would form a junction, and come forward with an offer to establish it. I am sanguine in the expect ation they would not be long a minority in their own counties; but some opposition they may there probably encounter.—This would be the best mode in which an event, desired for a whole century by all who had maturely weighed this matter, and regarded the interest of their country, could be brought about; but if their equitable proposition should not be supported at home, still with the accession of the weight of the aggrieved counties, they might form a majority to carry the measure into effect, although the first mode is by far the best, and it may lose half its value for want of celerity in carrying it into execution."

Mr. Brand's style is simple and argumentative: his mathematical knowlege is highly respectable; and his information is varied, select, and trust worthy. He has an acuteness, a subtility of intellect, which gains admiration for its dexterity; even when the character of his arguments can neither claim approbation nor impress conviction. He is at times tedious, but is ambitious of display; and it seems that he had rather be the skilful sophist of error, than defend with usual resources a tenable opinion. He belongs to the class of arguers, not to that of orators. He shuns the more obvious paths of investigation, often treads on the brink of paradox, and seems only solicitous to draw forth Truth when she lies perdue at the bottom of the well.

Art. 32. The Political Salvation of Great Britain, by Means entirely new, rendered necessary by the Urgency of Circumstances: concluding with a Remedy for the depreciated State of the Funds, highly interesting to Stockholders. By a Gentleman independent of Party. 8vo. pp. 87. 2s. 6d. Wright. 1787.

We have found in this tract no novelty that is not highly objectionable. The author is of opinion that the Legislature of France should not have been divided into two sections, although the history of all republics, and chiefly that of the French republic, demonstrates that a single and uncontrolled legislative assembly, however consti tuted, is always inclined to become arbitrary and tyrannical. He proposes to raise 100,000,000l. for the purpose of buying up consols

at

at 65, when their market price should be only 48 per cent. in order to bring up the remaining stock to par, and to prevent the stockholder from repining at the consequences of the situation of the country. This independent gentleman seems to have forgotten that, in every thing which relates to the public debt, the interests of two parties are to be equally respected; those of the nation on one side, and those of the national creditors on the other. Before he publishes another pamphlet, we beg leave to recommend to his careful perusal that chapter of the history of Tom Jones, in which Fielding proves. that an author will write the better for having some knowlege of his subject.

Art. 33. Outlines of an Attempt to establish a Plan for a just and regular Equivalent for the Labour and Support of the Poor; and to reconcile the Weights of the Kingdom to one Standard, by connecting them with the Copper Coinage. 8vo.

Debrett.

pp. 68. 2S.

Various plans for uniformity of weights and measures have been proposed by speculative men, and the plan of this author is perhaps as feasible as any other. In the object itself, there is nothing difficult of attainment. In several countries, an uniformity of weights and measures at this time subsists, regulated by standards of different descriptions. In the United States of America, the standard, to which every thing of this kind is referred, is a pendulum carefully preserved in a subterraneous apartment; which oscillates once in a second in a certain latitude. This standard is certainly preferable to that which is here proposed.

The other subject which our author discusses, the wages of la bourers, is of infinite difficulty. It is connected with such a multitude of circumstances that are perpetually varying, and it involves so many jarring interests, that Adam Smith, Charles Fox, Win. Pitt, and several other able political economists, in speculation, have given it as their opinion that no legislature should interfere with it, but that it should always be left to the free operation of existing causes. Notwithstanding such high and imposing authority, we will not go so far as to say that some regulations may not be made respecting the wages of the poor, which may be advantageous to them without being injurious to the wealth and prosperity of the country: but we believe that such regulations must originate from persons possessed of the highest knowlege and talents. The author of the present publication has contributed his mite; and so far the community is certainly obliged to him. Some useful hints may, perhaps, be gathered from every writer on the subject.

Art. 34. Letter to a Minister of State, on the Connection between the Political System of the French Republic and the System of its Revolution. Translated from the French of Mallet du Pan. 8vo. pp. 56. Is. Longman.

It was the opinion of the late illustrious Edmund Burke, that the French revolution originated principally with the politicians whose object was the aggrandizement of their country. If this were their purpose, it must be confessed that their efforts have been crowned

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with complete success. The present pamphlet is written to prove the great principle of the political school of which Mr. Burke was the founder and support, that none of the governments of Europe could be safe if the French revolution were permitted to proceed. We find nothing remarkable either for force or novelty in this production. It is written throughout in that pleasing shewy style for which M. Mallet du Parr is distinguished.

Art. 35. A correct Detail of the Finances of this Country, &c. &c. By Charles Hales, Esq. 12mo. PP. 40. IS. Trepass. 1797. This pamphlet consists chiefly of statements, which will be found much more clearly and correctly given in the late financial publications of Lord Lauderdale and Mr. Morgan *.

Art. 36. The Substance of the Speech of the Right Hon. C. James Fox on Mr. Grey's Motion in the House of Commons, 26th May 1797, for Leave to bring in a Bill to amend and regulate the Election of Members to serve in the Commons House of Parliament, as reported in the Morning Chronicle. 8vo. pp. 33. 2d. Debrett. This is the fullest and best written report that we have seen of this celebrated speech.

Art. 37. Thoughts on the Defence of Property. Addressed to the County of Hereford. By Uvedale Price, Esq. 12mo. IS. Debrett. 1797.

Mr. Price recommends a plan of association for the defence of property, against the danger which might arise during the time of a foreign invasion, from profligate and desperate men, who having no property, and fancying themselves screened by the protection of a foreign enemy and by the confusion which their coming would occasion, might attack those who had property. The plan is principally proposed for the security of the inhabitants of the country, whose detached situation renders them more exposed and less protected than the inhabitants of towns; and though it has been more particularly addressed to the county of Hereford, where it has already taken con siderable effect, the author recommends it to be extended through the whole kingdom.

It might be asked, (says Mr. Price,) will it be safe to arm so numerous and independent a body? It might be asked with more 'truth and force, will they be safe if unarmed and unconnected?"

This little pamphlet contains many useful remarks, which, if the war should be prolonged, will well deserve serious consideration. Art. 38. Plain Thoughts of a Plain Man, addressed to the Common Sense of the People of Great Britain; with a few Words, en passant, to the uncommon Sense of Mr, Erskine. 8vo. pp. 113. -zš. 6d. Bell, Oxford-street. 1797.

Though this pamphlet is modestly, or rather artfully, intitled Plain Thoughts, it is in our opinion the most laboured production that has appeared for a considerable time in defence of his Majesty's ministers. According to the ministerial axioms of the day, the au

See the Reviews for May and June.

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thor maintains the necessity of continuing the war for Belgium, and other objects which Buonaparte has compelled us to abandon. To dispute the writer's opinions on those subjects, at this time, would be paying a bad compliment to the understanding of our readers. We shall therefore content ourselves with selecting one or two passages, from which they may judge of his style:

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It may be considered also as an advantage obtained by the war, that it has worked a change in the moral as well as political opinions of the French nation. It has lowered the crest of Atheism, and has taken from Death the character of an eternal fleep. Such im pious principles and fatalising deliriums are no longer blended with their public deliberations, or [nor] are held forth to the faith of a deluded people; while, freed from the terror of infidel persecution, devotion may once more seek its altars, and misery find consolation in the offices of religion. We have continued the war till France can be considered by none but the worst of men as an example for imitation, and till its accumulated distress, the fruit of its unparalleled atroci ties, must make every reasonable being look with horror on revolu tions, and feel the most active energies to support any system of go vernment that produces social comfort, and affords protection in the enjoyment of it.

The war may also be said, with great truth, to have shortened the tyranny of Robespierre, and to have converted his reign of terror into a system of comparative moderation; which has led to somewhat of a regular form of Government. With a change in the political establiment of France, different political opinions have arisen, that have brought its people back to some degree of that civilization which they once appeared to have abandoned for ever. In 1793, it was de clared in France, that all men were equal; that population, and not property, was the sole basis of representation; that insurrection was a sacred duty; that these principles should be promulgated in foreign countries; and that all who embraced them should be supported and assisted by the arms of France.-In 1795, property was declared to be the basis of representation; and those who did not pay a direct contribution to the state, as well as persons in domestic servitude, were excluded from the right of suffrage. The government has assumed a mixed form, consisting of three parts, one of which bears an aristocratic character: the system of governing by clubs and societies has been altogether abolished, and the circulation of democratic opinions formally renounced. The armies of France are no longer guided by an unrelenting and savage spirit of massacre, and have restored the rights of honourable war.'.

If Democratic insolence, that can no longer look with hope to the banks of the Rhine, should direct your attention beyond the Alpine mountains, to the triumphs of a Gallic army on the plains of Italy, you will behold a very affecting addition to the miseries of Eu rope. You will there contemplate another example of the delirium of France, who, while her own fields want husbandmen, and her cities are thinned of their inhabitants, employs the spirit and sheds the blood of her people, to obtain the delusive splendour of distant dominion. You will there view a French army desolating fruitful pro

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