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Poor's Laws to Ireland ;-and they speedily disappear. Misled by this are now preparing, at the bidding dazzling phantom, they generally of the shopkeepers of London, and and cordially supported the demo the great towns, to overwhelm the cratic leaders, and submitted paticultivators with a deluge of foreign ently for a tract of years to the most grain, that is, to reduce to beggary acute suffering, inflicted by the meaand ruin four millions of persons sures of their demagogues, in the dependent upon rural labour. En firm belief, which was sedulously quire in any county of the kingdom, inculcated, that it was the resistance from the Land's End to Caithness, of the Conservatives which was the what sort of landlords the democrats cause of all the evil. We have to are ?-how much they contribute to thank the Reform Bill for having at public institutions?-how much they length put an end to this extraordibestow on private charity ? You will nary delusion, and by seating the hear in general that they are the Movement party in complete sovemost grasping and niggardly of the reignty, for the time at least, in the community ; that they exact every Legislature, brought at once to the thing from their tenants, and give test the sincerity of their professions nothing to the poor ; that their to relieve the people, and their abinames are to be seen at few sub- lity to do any thing efficient for the scriptions—their assistance felt at public welfare. few undertakings; that their gene- That the evils under which the ral characteristic is that of being labouring classes now suffer, and alieni appetens, without the single which have produced the formidaredeeming point in Catiline's cha. ble organization of the Trades’ racter, sui profusus. We speak of Unions, are in no respect likely to the general character of the demo- be removed, but, on the contrary, cratic party. Doubtless there are greatly increased by the greater asmany honourable exceptions to these cendency of the democratic party, is remarks.

farther illustrated by the fact, that The manner in which the demo- they exist to fully a greater extent cratic party who have uniformly in North America, notwithstanding advocated these measures, destruc- the drain of the back settlements tive and ruinous though they were and a boundless soil, than in the to the whole productive industry of densely peopled realm of Britain. the people, have nevertheless contri

“ The North Americans distinctly adved to obtain the almost entire ma

mit, that ever since the Revolution which nagement of their thoughts, and separated them from the mother country, succeeded in wielding at pleasure and conferred upon them the blessings of their vast energies, is one of the self-government, magisterial and even pamost startling and extraordinary of rental authority has been upon the decline, the many extraordinary phenomena and that now, at last, combinations exist these times exhibit, and affords a amongst working men, to such a fearful signal instance of the facility with extent, for overthrowing the institution of which men may be led, by skilful property, that a subversion of all authoflattery and alluring expressions, to rity is apparently at hand, there being support the leaders who are really absolutely nothing left in that country to pursuing measures the most destruc- preserve its social system from being torn tive to their welfare. They were in pieces, but education only."* incessantly told that public happi- What security education is calcu. ness was their great object; that the lated to afford against these enorpeople never could be sufficiently mous evils in an old and corrupted instructed, enlightened, and free; state like Great Britain, has already that self-government was the true been fully considered in the former panacea for all the evils of humani- number of this series.t iy; and that if political power was " There are, in our own country," only'vested to a sufficient extent in says the North American Review, “ the people, all the ills of life would binations of the employed to procure


* North American Review, Jan. 1833, p. 81. of The Schoolmaster, Feb. 1834, Blackwood's Magazines

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higher wages, political working-men's' receive the same degree of education, and parties, and fearful signs of 'resistance to start fair in the competition for the hom the highest authority in the Federal nours and the offices of the State. As it is Union. Nor is this change passing only of course impossible and these men know upon a large scale, where we can survey it to be so to educate the labouring class it, or much of it, at least, as a mere mat- to the standard of the richer, it is their ter of speculation. It is coming home to professed object to reduce the latter to the our cities and villages, and very dwellings. same mental condition with the former; Aristocratical influence, and magisterial to prohibit all supererogatory knowledge; power, and parental authority, too, have to have a maximum of acquirement, bebeen declining among us ever since the yond which it shall be punishable to go. Revolution. There are abolitions of But those who limit their views to the peerages in our towns; there are reform mental degradation of their country are, bills in our families; and our children are in fact, the moderates of the party. There educated so freely, as to threaten rebellions, are others, who go still further, and boldly if not combinations, for securing their rights. advocate the introduction of an Agrarian There are, indeed, tendencies of this sort, Law, and a periodical division of property. which must be controlled and regulated. These unquestionably constitute the exor society cannot exist; tendencies to a trême gauche of the Worky Parliament, radical reform, so radical, indeed, that if but still they only follow out the princinot restrained it will tear up every social ples of their less violent neighbours, and institution by the roots, and leave nothing eloquently dilate on the justice and probehind but disorder, waste, and ruin." priety of every individual being equally

The same truths are forcibly il- supplied with food and clothing.” lustrated in Mr Hamilton's recent We give the operatives due warnand admirable work on North Ame- ing; they have no relief to expect rica.

from the democratic party, and as In the city of New York," he

little from the frantic anarchical, observes, a separation is rapidly ta

course they are now pursuing. That king place between the different orders

their sufferings are great, we lament of society. The operative class have

to hear; that they neither can, nor already formed themselves into a society

will be relieved by the party to under the name of the Workies, in whose guidance they have hitherto direct opposition to those who, more

and blindly surrendered themselves, favoured by nature or fortune, enjoy the is capable of demonstration. luxuries of life without the necessity for

The Reform Parliament is govern. manual labour. These people make no ed by an adverse interest to that of secret of their demands, which, to do the producers. It is entirely ruled them justice, are few and emphatic. They by the monied interests and Traare published in the newspapers, and may DERS. This class has by the bill be read on half the walls of New York. acquired a monstrous—an irresistThe first postulate is, ' Equal and Univer- ible preponderance in the Legisla. sal Education. It is false, they say, to ture. We grieve to say this; but it maintain that there is at present no pri- is self-evident; and the supporters of vileged order, no practical Aristocracy, in the Reform Bill have themselves to a country where distinctions of educa

thank for having riveted the fetters tion are permitted. There does exist,

of an adverse interest about their they argue, an Aristocracy of the most

necks. odious kind,--an Aristocracy of know

TO BUY CHEAP is the grand object ledge, education, and refinement, which

of all the measures which now ema. is inconsistent with the true Democratic principles of absolute equality. They

nate from the Legislature, and have pledge themselves, therefore, to exert

emanated for many years past. This every effort; mental and physical, for the

is the foundation of the repeal of abolition of this flagrant injustice. They

the Navigation Laws of the dimiproclaim it to the world as a nuisance

nution of the protecting duties--of which must be abated, before the freedom

the contraction of the currency_of of an American be something more than

the Free Trade system

of the a mere empty boast. They solemnly de- incessant and ruinous repeal of clare that they will not rest satisfied, till indirect taxes--of the threatened every citizen in the United States shall repeal of the Corn Laws. For

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• Hamilton's America, vol. 1. pp. 300, 301.

whose behoof is the incessant prose- the race of consumers over that of cution of this object undertaken ? producers, which has gradually obIs it for the interest of the producers, tained for them the dominion of the whether agricultural or manufactu- Legislature, and precipitated the ring, whether rural or urban? nation into that abandonment of No! It is for the interest of the Conservative principles and the probuyers,---of the traders who hope to tection of producers, and that subget their sales augmented by a mission to the dictates of towns, diminution of the price of their which distinguished the concluding articles, and their profits increased years of the Tory Administration. by the reduction of the prime cost By an infatuation which has few of the goods in which they deal,- parallels even in the wide-spread of the holders of money, and other annals of human folly, the manuclasses in town who have_fixed facturing classes, the urban proincomes, derived from the Funds, ducers, were led, when the final mortgage, or other unchanging sour- struggle arose, to join their forces ces, and therefore benefit immense- with those of their worst enemies, the ly by every reduction which takes urban consumers, and under the place. But this class have no inte- guidance of the democracy, and the rest in common with, or sympatby banners of Reform, fought and gainfor, the producers of any descrip- ed the great battle against the remtion,--that is, the great bulk of the nant of the producers, reduced, by labouring classes, rural or urban, in this unnatural union, and the delu- . every department; on the contrary, sion of republican principles, to a their interest is just the reverse. To third of their natural forces. sell cheap, and buy still cheaper, is This truth, the real secret of all the great object of the monied and the distresses and disasters of the trading class; and it is the point, ac- present times, and the clear and gecordingly, to which all their efforts neral perception of which is indisare directed. If they can only get pensable towards any thing like a corn cheap, they care not though half righting of the national vessel, is put the agricultural labourers—that is, in a very clear light by Mr Bernard, two millions of souls-are reduced to to whose able and original work we beggary; if they can only get cottons have already alluded. cheap, they care not though a million

Mr Ricardo, a great fundholder of operative weavers are forced to and dealer in loans and stockjoblive in garrets on a shilling a-day; bing, was one of the chief authors if whisky and gin are cheap, they of the change in the currency in care not though crime triples under 1819. its influence, and millions of human beings are precipitated into profli- “ This gentleman,” says Mr Bernard, gacy by the spread of the fiery poi- - had obtained considerable celebrity son. If silks and ribbons are cheap, amongst his brethren of the Stock Exthey care not though the weavers of change, as well as amongst all that Spitalfields and Macclesfield are re- class of Reformers, whose real object is, duced by the free (comparatively) not so much to benefit their country, trade in French silks to ruin; if they as to enhance the value of money, by only get freights cheap, they care

various publications on Political Econot though, by the repeal of the Na- nomy; the leading principle of which is vigation Laws, the whole class of to exbibit landowners and farmers in the ship owners and builders are brought

most odious light possible to their fellowto the verge of insolvency, and the countrymen, by representing their inter« wooden walls of old England” in which case their prosperity would

ests as adverse to those of all other people, sent to the bottom.

alone depend on the degree of injury they This single observation furnishes could in Aict upon others. The doctrine the key to the Free Trade system, the would indeed be true, were all working change of the Currency, the aban- people, the public as they are called, condonment of the Navigation Laws, sumers in a greater degree than they are and all the disastrous measures of producers, and were production chiefly the last fifteen years. It is the pro- confined to landowners and farmers only ; gressive increase of the monied and but, fortunately for these latter classes, trading interest, the ascendency of as working people, whether in agricul




ture or manufactures, all produce infi- interests of the monied classes, and nitely more than they consume, and are are allowed to cool, after their Refor that reason to be looked upon as pro form transports, in garrets, on bread ducers, who, in company with landowners and water, and a shilling a-day to and farmers, thrive best upon high prices, maintain a rising family. and not as consumers, who benefit most

The slightest consideration of the by low ones; the doctrine is perfectly present constitution of Parliament untrue; or true only, so far as it relates

must shew how enormously and unmerely to fundholders and stockjobbers, justly the monied interest and the and the several classes of society whose circumstances in life are bettered by rais

urban consumers have gained by

the Reform Bill, at the expense of ing the value of money, and lowering the rewards of industry.

the industrious and working classes "Still

, Mr Ricardo's plan was a pro- throughout the state. Out of 500 found one. The idea of sowing dissen

English members, there are 156 for sions amongst all who happened to be counties, and 344 for boroughs ; engaged in production, by making a part,

that is, the town members are to and that the most numerous part, believe

the county as

more than two to that they were consumers, rather than Part, no doubt, of the boproducers; and setting them in this way roughs are swayed by the landlords against those who were sailing actually in their neighbourhood ; but, probain the same boat with them, the land- bly, at least as many county memowner and farmer, in order to weaken bers are returned by the growing inthe united influence of the entire body; fluence of city wealth, owing to the was an admirable contrivance for strength increasing embarrassment of the . ening the hands of the fundholder, and

country proprietors. At all events, enabling him to obtain his favourite object if it be said that there are 300 Engof low prices.” *

lish members in the interest of the During the struggle on the Reform consumers, and 200 in that of the Bill, the great majority of the pro- producers, the fairest allowance is ducers throughout the country, of made for the possible efforts of the whatever class, were seduced by the minority, of all descriptions, who are contagion of democracy and the de- now attempting to stem the ruinous lusion of a Press, all emanating from, torrent which has flooded the Legisand guided by, the interests of town lature. And in the right of voting consumers, to unite against the at elections, how are the different remnant of the Conservative that classes of society balanced ? A conis, the producing interest. Ninety- sumer in town, who pays ten pounds eight out of the hundred and one of yearly rent, has a vote; a procounty members of England were ducer in the country requires to pay returned in the reforming interest; five times that sum togetone. The tenand the farmers who brought them in pound clause virtually excludes the on the shoulders of the populace, whole operative manufacturers from any

, are now rewarded for their exer- influence,and vests unlimited powerin tions by the threatened repeal of the spiritdealers, grocers, and shopthe Corn Laws—that is, the reduc- keepers-that is, the consumers who tion of grain to forty shillings a-quar- live on the fruits of their labour. ter, and wages to ninepence a-day. Thus, both by the places which reAlmost all the manufacturing towns turn members, and the qualification joined the cry, and by their threat- to vote, bestowed with such flagrant ening attitude overawed the House inequality on the different classes of of Peers, when that noble body society, is that ruinous supremacy threw itself almost unsupported into secured to the monied classes and the breach to save the whole pro- consumers, which has been at the ducing classes; and they now see root of all the national distresses for the consequences of their conduct the last fifteen years. Now, from in the obstinate adherence to free the tables quoted below, it appears trade, the reciprocity system, the that the total wealth produced by restricted currency, and all the other the agriculturists and manufactumeasures dictated by the exclusive rers, amounts to the enormous sum

* Bernard's View of the Constitution, 312.

of above four hundred millions an- on the subject of the Corn Laws, pually, and the population employed and the efforts they are making to in these branches of industry is no detach the whole urban producers less than 10,000,000, while the total from their rural brethren, by the wealth earned annually by the trading false but specious pretence that dear and monied classes, is L.95,000,000, grain is the interest of the one, and and their numbers are only 5,600,000. cheap grain the interest of the other. Thus a class producing one-fifth of It is therefore of the utmost mothe national income, and composing ment that the working classes of all one-third of the national numbers, descriptions should at length acquire have contrived, by the delusions which just ideas on this subject, and be they have spread among the work- brought to see that their interests are ing bodies, to usurp a preponderating identical, and cannot be separated; influence in the Legislature, and to and that it is the fatal disunion which introduce and perpetuate a series of the town consumers and monied measures, which have precipitated, classes have contrived to create beand are precipitating, the very men tween them by the phantoms of dewhose bands create their income into mocratic ascendency, free trade, beggary and ruin.*

cheap prices, and political power, In these observations we have which has enabled the adverse inteclassed the agricultural and urban rest in society to mount upon their producers together, and considered backs, and chain them like captives their joint interests as opposed to to their chariot wheels, in defiance that of the money-holders and con- of the evidence of their own senses,

We know well the apple and the continued suffering experiof discord which the consumers and enced in their own persons. the advocates of cheap prices have Let the operative workmen and contrived to throw between these two manufacturers, before they give ear vast bodies, whose united strength to these insidious attempts on the would be irresistible. We are quite part of their real oppressors, attend aware of the fatal delusion which to the following consideration : they have spread, and are spreading, When were they in a prosperous


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* The following Table illustrates this in the most striking manner. It is taken from Pebrer's and Moreau's Tables, and all compiled from Parliamentary documents, Annual produce of agriculture in all its branches, L. 246,600,000 of mines and minerals,

21,400,000 of fisheries,

3,400,000 of manufactures,


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6,300,000 Tailors, shoemakers,

600,000 Soldiers and sailors,
2,400,000 Clergy, doctors, &c.
650,000 Paupers,


2,100,000 1,080,000

830,000 450,000

110,000 1,116,000

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* Pebrer's Tables 338 and 350.

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