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ped into the office of his friend Judge Benson, then absent, and in the presence of his clerks left a paper in a book lying there, and departed. After his fall this paper was observed, and deposited by Judge Benson in the city library, with a certificate that it was the hand writing of A. Hamilton. The following is a copy: Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 50, Mr. Jay: Nos. 10, 14, 37, to 48, inclusive, Mr. Madison: Nos. 18, 19, and 20, Mr. Hamilton and Madison, jointly: all the rest by Mr. Hamilton.'

parts of the work in question which I have ascribed to him. No adequate motive could, therefore, exist for encountering the risk of any contradiction in relation to it.

The writer of the "Answer" is mistaken in supposing that I am hurt by the opinion advanced in the Repository that the numbers written by Mr. Hamilton are superior to the others; and I do not perceive the justice of the criticism he has indulged in. I have not called that opinion a misstatement of facts. My expression is, "the maintenance of his opi

To the Editors of the National In- nions, if erroneous, can do no other

telligencer. April 18, 1817. When I penned my note of the 10th of March, which was published in your paper of the 19th, wherein I stated by whom the respective numbers of the Federalist were written, I did not anticipate any controversy concerning its contents: if I had, I certainly never would have given the facts to the world without permission. Unfortunately, from the turn the subject has taken, it is too late now to ask it, and I cannot suffer the "Answer" in the New York Evening Post, which a friend has recently sent to me, to pass in silence.

The author of the answer is correct in supposing that my note was written without the knowledge of Mr. Madison; indeed, I have no doubt that he never desired or expected to have the subject mentioned, and was surprised when he saw the publication.

After writing so many masterly pieces since the organization of the existing government, it is not possible to add to the full measure of his fame for exalted talents and patriotism, by proving incontrovertibly, that he wrote all those

injury than to lessen the character of the Repository for fidelity and impartiality, and I should not have deemed it proper if the facts were not mis-stated, to take any notice of them." What is it, I ask, I would not have noticed? I answer his opinions, unless the facts on which they rest were mis-stated.

But it is not material to vindicate the style of my composition

its truth is more important to the public and to myself. I will proceed to state the proofs upon which I wrote the piece alluded to. Whilst Mr. Madison was secretary of state, a friend of his purchased at Washington city, Hopkins's edition of the Federalist, and, in a conversation with Mr. Madison relating to it, he requested him to furnish an index to the numbers for his private use. Mr. M. then gave him a pencilled memorandum of the numbers he had written, which was sealed in the first volume, where it now is, and from that pencilled memorandum, in the hand-writing of Mr. Madison, I copied the numbers into my note of the 10th ult.

If any corroboration of this proof were wanting, the numbers in question will furnish it. The New

York Evening Post says, Mr. M. wrote Nos. 37 to 48, inclusive, and that Mr. Hamilton wrote all the succeeding ones, except No 54.

No. 47 commences with "The meaning of the maxim which re quires a separation of the departments of power, examined and ascertained.”

No. 48, "The same subject continued, with a view to the means of giving efficacy in practice to that maxim."

Nos. 49 and 50 continue and conclude the subject, with the same view.

No. 49 contains the following sentences: "The author of the 'Notes on the State of Virginia,' quoted in the last paper, has subjoined to that valuable work the draught of a constitution which had been prepared, in order to be laid before a convention expected to be called in 1783, by the legislature, for the establishment of a constitution for that commonwealth.The plan, like every thing from the same pen, marks a turn of thinking, original, comprehensive and accurate; and is the more worthy of attention, as it equally displays a fervent attachment to republican government and an enlightened view of the dangerous propensities against which it ought to be guarded." Here are two material circumstances tending to designate Mr. Madison as the author of these numbers. First, they relate to the same point of inquiry which is illustrated by a reference to all the examples furnished by the history of other nations, and the constitutions of the several states composing our confederacy. The argument is pursued with a unity of design and execution, which renders it almost impossible, certainly altogether improbable, that it is the production of more than

one person. Nos. 47 and 48, which it is admitted were written by Mr. Madison, enter into the marrow of the subject; and wherefore would he leave it unfinished, when more than half completed?

2d. The quotation from No. 49, goes far to prove that Mr. Madison wrote it. Mr Jefferson is there referred to in terms of distinguished approbation.-None but a zealous friend would have expressed such an unqualified eulogium on him; and it is well known that Mr. M. has always manifested the most unbounded regard for that gentleman. Other inherent evidence might be adduced, but the labour would be an act of supererogation. CORRECTOR.

CAUCUS.

Chamber of the House of Representatives of the United States. March 16, 1816.

At a meeting of the Republican Members of Congress, assembled this evening pursuant to public notice, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of recommending to the people of the United States suitable persons to be supported at the approaching election, for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States, one hundred and eighteen members of the Senate and House of Representatives, and one delegate, attended.

General Samuel Smith, of Maryland, was called to the chair, and Colonel Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, appointed secretary. And being so organized,

Mr. Clay submitted the following resolution:

Resolved, That it is inexpedient to make, in Caucus, any recommendation to the good people of

the United States, of persons, in the judgment of this meeting, fit and suitable to fill the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States.

And the question being taken thereon,

It was determined in the negative. Mr. Taylor, of New York, then submitted the following resolution, to wit:

Resolved, That the practice of nominating candidates for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States, by a convention of the Senators and Representatives in Congress, is inexpedient, and ought not to be continued.

And the question being taken thereon

It was also determined in the negative.

The meeting then proceeded to the recommendation:

· Upon which it appeared that the honourable James Monroe had sixty-five votes, and the honourable William H. Crawford fifty-four votes, for the office of President. That his excellency Daniel D. Tompkins of New York had eighty-five votes, and his excellency Simon Snyder thirty votes, for the office of Vice-President.

And thereupon,

Mr. Clay submitted the following resolutions, which were concurred in without opposition:

Resolved, That this meeting do recommend to the people of the United States, James Monroe of Virginia, as a suitable person for the office of President of the United States, and Daniel D. Tompkins of New York, as a suitable person for the office of Vice-President of the United States, for the term of four years, commencing on the 4th day of March next.

Resolved, That the chairman and secretary be appointed to as

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[The following account of the attack made by the British on Baltimore, during the late war, is extracted from the Edinburgh Annual Register for 1814, recently published in Great Britain. The historical part of that work is commonly attributed to one of the most eminent literary characters of England. He has grossly, we will not say wilfully, mistaken the facts of the case. We have subjoined to his statement, such of the true particulars as are wanting for its refutation. They are of perfect notoriety, and will be vouched for by a multitude of eye witnesses of unquestionable veracity.]

EDINBURGH ANNUAL REGISTER.

"The approach to Baltimore lies through a small peninsula, in some places scarce half a mile in breadth, across which the enemy had drawn an entrenchment.

"In a smart action which ensued, the British maintained their military superiority, and in less than fifteen minutes utterly broke and dispersed an army of about 6000 Americans, supported by artillery and cavalry, the enemy losing near 1000 in killed, wounded, and missing. But it was the fate of the successes obtained during the incursive war, to be followed by no important events. Baltimore was defended to the land by a chain of

fortified redoubts, connected by a breast-work, and occupied by about 15,000 men. Colonel Broke, nevertheless, resolved upon a night at tack; but as the lives of the brave men which must necessarily have been lost in storming such formidable defences, could hardly have been compensated by any mischief which we might have done to the town of Baltimore, we cannot but hold it fortunate, that, owing to difficulties which occurred in the naval co-operation, he was induced to relinquish his purpose, and to re-embark his forces, after destroying a large rope-work, and other public buildings."

FACTS.

There was nothing round the town which could be called a chain of fortified redoubts, and this will be readily credited, when it is stated that not a spadeful of earth was thrown out, until after the disastrous business at Washington. This took place on the 24th August-Baltimore was invaded on the 12th September. The citizens turned out with great alacri- | ty, and dug a ditch about eighteen inches deep and two feet wide, from the Basin to the York Road -the dirt of this ditch was thrown outwards, and thus one spadeful answered the purpose of two, compared with the regular construction of works-where the ditch is on the outside of the breast-work. This was the chain; a feeble one indeed, but it was the strongest which could be forged on such urgent and short notice. There were three positions on this chain occupied by the artillery-one on the high ground near the hospital; the second midway between that and the Philadelphia road; the third on some high ground to the right of that road. Such were the redoubts, and the artillery stationed

in them were prepared with dragropes, or horses, to be moved to any part of the line at which they might be most wanted. In the ditch the infantry were stationed. After the enemy had abandoned their design on the city, a more regular work was constructed-much of which is still remaining.

An intrenchment was merely begun at a narrow part of the peninsula. Had it been completed, it would have served no good purpose, as it was easily to be enfiladed by the enemy's ships. Wm. Buchanan, the son of Mr. J. H. Buchanan, and two other young gentlemen, had been stationed as videttes, at the extreme end of the Point, the evening preceding the disembarkation of the enemy,

which taking place before daybreak, and in their rear, caught them in a cul de sac. This is what Col. Broke, the successor of Ross, calls the American rear-guard! He did however, get possession of two pieces of cannon-but one of them was a small swivel, kept by John Howard, Esq. on his farm at North Point, for the amusement of fishing parties, &c. On his farm they found it!!

Gen. Stricker posted his force at the meeting-house, head of Long-log-lane, the point at which the two roads leading from the city meet-six miles from town. He sent two companies of infantry, some riflemen, the cavalry and one piece of artillery, in advance. Gen. Ross was killed by this advanced corps, at the distance of about two miles in front of Stricker's main body.

The force under general Stricker amounted in all to 3185 men, not more than one half of whom were actually engaged with the enemy. According to the official returns, which are confirmed by

the personal knowledge of every inhabitant of Baltimore, the loss of the Americans on this occasion, in killed, wounded and missing, did not exceed two hundred and thirteen men.

LOUIS XVIII.

London, June 30.-Extract of a genuine letter from a French nobleman, dated Paris, May 6, 1816. "The best answers I can give to questions about Louis XVIII. is to relate, as nearly as possible, his own remarks, at an audience with which I was honoured last week, after my return from an exile of 24 years. To my congratulations on his majesty's restoration, he said,

its precepts; but having solemnly promised a religious toleration, I also leave all my subjects a full liberty of conscience. Well, the catholics therefore suspect me of infidelity, while the protestants represent me as a superstitious bigot. Though I am unable to satisfy at once all the sufferers in my cause by the revolution, all are impatient for immediate reward; those whom I can remunerate blame me for not doing enough, while the other pretenders hold me out both as unjust and unfeeling. If I think any particular merit deserves particular distinction, favoritism is the general cry; while, when I disregard some unmerited claims, I am accused either of envy or ignorance, or neglect. My situation is not less unfortunate with regard to foreigners. Russia has one idea of governing France, England has another, Austria differs from both, and Prussia differs from the three other allies. When therefore I please one I am sure to displease the other, and I am equally tormented with their projects, and humbled by their menaces and pretensions. From Rome and Madrid I am reproached for not introducing religious intolerance; while I am libelled in England and America for not admitting democratic licentiousness under the name of liberty, and anti-social doctrines under the name of liberty of the press. If I punish a traitor, I am styled a merciless tyrant; if I pardon him I am ridiculed as a trembling imbecile. Had I pardoned the three Englishmen, other foreigners would have reproached me with partiality to England; while the French and English factions would have as

"My friend, I wear indeed the crown of my ancestors, but it is changed into a crown of thorns, the pangs of which are only known to, as they are only felt, by its unfortunate bearer. The most abused of my predecessors have been praised for some good traits, while I am blamed without mercy by every one, though it is the study of my life to do nothing but what my conscience approves as just and praiseworthy. If I select my counsellors among the revolutionists, because I think them best acquainted with the present state of France, I am reproached by the royalists with worse than ingratitude. If I appoint a royalist council, the revolutionists create an alarm, by accusing me of an intention to subvert the constitution. If I have a mixed ministry, as at present, their jealousy and disunion leave me no quiet; and to thwart each other, they display either an untimely severity or a dangerous weakness. Having a firm belief inserted, that fear and not clemency the religion of my ancestors, I only do my duty in observing strictly

was my motive. Even in my own family, opinions are divided about

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