great public movement. For the same reason any person who wishes to acquire wisdom from the experience of past ages, for the purpose of directing his conduct in periods of a similar character, will trace with anxious observation, every thing that takes place in times of transition, that he may know how to guide the almost imperceptible under-current of slow-moving change, so as to direct it into the channel which may lead it safely onwards, bearing on its bosom the ark of national welfare.

The state of Scotland, both political and ecclesiastical, at the commencement of that period, was ominous of evil in every point of view. The great religious struggle of the covenant had secured the liberties, both civil and sacred, of the kingdom; but a still greater struggle, of a kind essentially different, had arisen in England, in which the Scottish nation was reluctantly involved. In Scotland the contest arose entirely out of the determination of the church and people to maintain the purity and freedom of religion; and it naturally issued in the defence and maintenance of civil liberty, to a greater degree than had been previously enjoyed. In England it began in the assertion of civil liberty; and those by whom it was directed called to their aid the mighty spirit of religion, to enable them the more thoroughly to rouse the strength of the kingdom to their support. Thus it appears, that what was in Scotland essentially a religious contest, was in England essentially one of a political character: Yet towards the close of the struggle the Scottish covenanters were drawn into such intimate connexion with their English friends, that they too began to acquire too much of the political feeling, losing a corresponding degree of that sacred spirit which at first animated all their movements. They were thus drawn into what is termed a false position, and became in consequence confused and divided, both in aim and effort,—some retaining the high religious principles of the first covenanters, and others guided chiefly by political considerations, and varying their procedure according to their notions of expediency.

This tendency to confusion and disunion was unfortunately left to its full scope, uncontrolled by the guiding energy and decision of any one great man. Alexander Henderson, who had been the acknowledged leader of the covenanters, had rested from his labours. George Gillespie, who possessed all the qualifications necessary for occupying the vacant position, and for guiding the councils of church and state in troublous times, was even then dying, exhausted by the fatal intensity of his exertions. His last efforts were expended in writing an earnest remonstrance against that pernicious political and military movement, headed by the Hamiltonian party, and known by the name of The Engagement.' And although there were many men in the church, highly distinguished, both for piety

re

and for general abilities, there was not one who so decidedly surpassed his compeers as to be recognised at once as possessing the inherent qualifications and authority of a leader, to whose opinions his brethren would bow with respectful deference. Robert Baillie had been the friend and companion of Henderson and Gillespie, as had also Samuel Rutherford, David Dickson, and Robert Douglas. But no one of these eminent men possessed the peculiar talent requisite for the task of combining the thoughts and energies of a dividing church and nation. Baillie was constitutionally timid and wavering, inclined to follow the guidance of men of worldly rank and power, and sinking into the querulousness which age and infirmity generally produce in such a character. Rutherford was almost unequalled as a scholar, a metaphysician, and a spiritually-minded divine; but these very qualities unfitted him for the management of great affairs in times of difficulty, inclining him to think and speculate on minute points, instead of seizing on the main positions with a comprehensive and commanding grasp, and moulding them vigorously according to his judgment. Dickson approached nearer the necessary cast of mind, being learned, pious, sagacious, and personally fearless in the presence of danger; but in all these spects he was at least equalled by others, and the growing infirmities of age had already warned him that his time of action was nearly past. Douglas appears to have been, in many respects, the fittest man to have led the councils of the church. It was of him that Gustavus Adolphus said, there goes a man who, for wisdom and prudence, might be a counsellor to any king in Europe; who, for gravity, might be a moderator to any assembly in the world; and who, for his skill in military affairs, might be the general of any army. Yet, with all this combination of talents and acquirements, Robert Douglas was completely duped and misled by such a man as Sharp, and, by giving his influence to the political party, contributed greatly to the overthrow of the church. There were several other distinguished persons at the same time in the church, but somewhat younger, both in years and public standing, on which account their influence was less generally recognised than that of the above-named men. James Guthrie and Patrick Gillespie were both men of great abilities and decided piety, but both were somewhat too impetuous in temper, and liable to speak and act with injudicious rashness, more likely to lead the church into additional dangers than to extricate her from those with which she was already surrounded. In addition to rashness and impetuosity, characteristic of both, Patrick Gillespie was too prone to engage in political intrigues, thus bringing into that more purely religious party with whom he generally acted, the very desecrating influence

against which they protested, and from which they wished to stand aloof themselves, and also to withdraw the church.

6

Nor was the political aspect of Scotland more promising, or its condition more united-indeed much less so. The nobles and burgesses who still adhered to the covenant, were led by Argyle and Loudon; the framers of the engagement were guided by Hamilton, Lanark, and Lauderdale, who wished to take an intermediate position; and the determined royalists, led by Traquair and Callender, who did not even profess to be guided by religious motives, and who paid little respect to either oaths or treaties, provided they could get their purposes accomplished. Upon the failure of the military expedition into England, to which the engagement' gave rise, the party led by Argyle acquired the ascendancy, and for a short time there seemed to be some prospect of a re-combination of all parties in church and state. But it was deemed essential by the politicians, that Charles, the son of the decapitated monarch, should be invited to come to Scotland and receive the crown of his ancient and loyal kingdom. This was perfectly natural and right in itself, if it could have been accomplished without the sacrifice or compromise of those sacred principles, for the maintenance of which the covenant had been framed and sworn by the entire nation. But Charles not only entertained the most determined hostility against both the principles and the persons of the covenanters, but also against religion itself, or any thing which interfered with the indulgence of every immoral passion. His character, indeed, was one of peculiar enormity in almost all respects. From infancy he had imbibed those notions respecting the absolute and unlimited nature of the royal prerogative, which were cherished by his father and his grandfather. He had also early learned all the artifices of dissimulation from his mother and the crafty Romish priests who were her private counsellors; and from the same designing men he had learned, that the gross immoralities to which his licentious nature was prone, as well as stimulated by his courtly parasites, might be regarded as venial sins, of which holy mother church could easily procure the pardon. Add to this, that he was intensely selfish, and utterly destitute of any thing like warmth or generosity of feeling, and we have before us a character with whom it was impossible that earnest, religious-minded men could hold intercourse, for the purpose of elevating him to power, without exposing themselves and their cause to ruin.

The character of Charles was, however, but little known to the leading men among the covenanters; and influenced by pity for his father's violent death, and his own destitute condition, they were disposed to regard with great forbearance those errors which

they hoped to see remedied when he should be removed from the contaminating companionship of his licentious courtiers. They therefore eagerly sought to enter into treaty with the young prince, offering to him the crown of Scotland, on condition of his entering into such a compact as should secure to them their dear-bought civil and religious liberties. Then began a series of intrigues, in which all parties were soon deeply, dangerously, and disgracefully involved. The contending political parties strove to undermine each other; one large section of the church was deceived and induced to compromise their principles; and Charles cunningly and selfishly plotted to deceive all, and to secure his own arbitrary will on any terms, the obligations of oaths and promises being to him but so many threads of airy gossamer. Through the series of intrigues which ended in the coming of Charles to Scotland, Mr Beattie leads his readers with great skill, and with a minuteness of detail, which must satisfy the most scrupulous, and command conviction.

During these intrigues and negociations, all parties gradually shifted their ground. The soundest political party, headed by Argyle and Loudon, finding it difficult to make head against the private influence of Lauderdale and the engagers, and of the royalist courtiers, began to make concessions inconsistent with their own declared principles; and when their conduct was censured by the General Assembly, they immediately set about devising how some of the most influential ministers might be induced to countenance their proceedings, by some abatement of the previously unbending strictness of their principles. The invasion of Scotland by Cromwell, and the defeat of the Scottish army at Dunbar, gave immediate occasion to the adoption of a measure which ended in rending the Church of Scotland asunder, and leaving it paralysed and powerless, at the mercy of every assailant.

An act of parliament, termed the act of classes, had been passed, excluding from places of public trust and authority, those who had been concerned in the engagement, or whose conduct had proved them to be the enemies of the constitution in church and state, as secured by the covenanted reformation. But when the defeat of the army at Dunbar exposed the enfeebled kingdom to the power of the victorious invader, it was thought necessary to admit into the army all who were able to aid in the defence of the country, without regard to their former character and conduct. But to accomplish this it was necessary to repeal the act of classes, and before this could be done the consent of the church must be obtained, as many of the persons specified by that act were lying under the highest ecclesiastical censure, and, according to the existing laws of the land, could not be elevated to places of public

VOL. XV. NO. II.

S

trust till that censure was removed. The commission of Assembly was called, and a cautiously-framed question put to them, inquiring 'what persons were to be admitted to rise in arms, and to join with the forces of the kingdom, and in what capacity, for the defence thereof against the armies of the sectaries, who, contrary to the solemn league, and covenant, and treaties, had most unjustly invaded, and were destroying the kingdom? This ensnaring question was so artfully framed as to draw from the commission an answer, which the politicians interpreted so widely as to give them all that they wished, and much more than the commission intended, while it caused an immediate and incurable division in the church. Even before that time there were two distinctly different tendencies in the prevailing opinions entertained by the leading ministers. Douglas and Baillie headed a large section who thought that the laws restricting evil-affected persons, or malignants, as they were termed, from public service, were too stringent, and ought to be relaxed, especially in a time of such difficulty. On the other hand, Guthrie and Gillespie were determined against abating, in the slightest degree, the extent and rigidness of these restrictions. With the view, probably, of acquiring a political power, such as might counteract court influence, and compel that respect to be shown to their opinions which the mere force of argument might fail to secure, Patrick Gillespie and his friends not only formed a strong party among the ministers throughout various parts of the country, especially in the west, but also induced a number of influential gentlemen to join them, and to raise a considerable body of troops, which were placed under the command of Colonels Strachan and Ker. From this body, ecclesiastical and military, emanated soon afterwards a statement of the views of that party, in a long and ably-written document, generally termed the Westland Remonstrance.' Mr Beattie gives a very full outline of the main topics which it comprises, vindicating it from the charge of being seditious. Its statements,' says he, are strong, and should in various instances have been qualified; they are the utterances of strong feelings; but it would not be easy, we are persuaded, to fasten upon any one of them a charge of falsehood. The whole document may be seen in Balfour's Annales,' or in the appendix to Peterkin's edition of the Records of the Kirk of Scotland." After a careful perusal of it, we are inclined to agree almost entirely with its sentiments, strongly expressed as they are; though we disapprove of the political combination from which it issued. The excitement caused by the westland remonstrance had scarcely subsided, when the deliverance of the commission, which led to the repeal of the act of classes, above related, not merely renewed, but increased the division of parties in the church. The concurrence