berty or Death!"-dispersed the sixty soldiers who occupied the post, and set the prisoners at liberty. Whilst blood was flowing on both sides near the guardhouse, the drums were beating throughout the town to call toge ther the National Guards. Part of the citizens came in time to prevent the capture of the arsenal. The troops of the line, amounting to 500 men, came up in haste, and succeeded in retaking the chief guard-house 200 soldiers also defended the approach to the glacis. At eleven o'clock the tumult was at its height. The people perambulated the streets, uttering shouts of fury; patrols of cavalry, infantry, and pompiers were seen in all directions; the gates of the. town were shut, for a report was spread, that a large body of peasantry were to enter the city, to aid the insurrection. One student received nineteen wounds by a bayonet; a prisoner, attempting to make his escape, was mortally wounded; and many spectators, in returning home, were either killed or wounded. Towards midnight, one of the burgomasters rode through the different parts of the city, and inspected the posts. He then proceeded, at the head of fifty soldiers of the line, and fifty National Guards, to the tower called the Pfarrthurm, where they were sounding the tocsin ; but not one of the individuals who were tolling the bell was arrested. Austrian troops immediately marched from Mayence, occupied the environs, and the bridge across the Main, which connects Frankfort with its northern suburb, but without taking military possession of the city, or superseding the civic authorities and civic militia. Public belief ascribed the event to the instiga

tions of French propagandists and Polish refugees. It proved advantageous to the governments in the elections. The better classes dreaded disturbance, and therefore endeavoured to prevent every thing which might lead to further collision between the states and the governments.

A still more serious disturbance took place in Rhenish Bavaria, on the 18th of May, the anniversary of the liberal, or rather democratic festival which had been celebrated at Hambach in the preceding year. About a thousand persons had assembled on the mountain. The government had marched a strong force into Neustadt, a small town in the neighbourhood. When the crowd returned to Neustadt in the evening, from their banquet of. republican songs and speeches, they attacked the military with insults and provocation, the king and government receiving their full share of abuse. To disperse the mob, whose appearance threatened more serious consequences, the troops were compelled to use their arms. They did not succeed in dispersing the crowds without resistance, and blood was shed. According to the government account, one of the rioters was killed, and eight wounded; but, by other accounts, the killed were much more numerous, and the wounded were said to be between fifty and sixty.

Dr. Liebenpfeiffer, one of the distinguished republican orators of the Hambach festival in 1832, along with some of his comrades, were brought to trial at Landau. The inquiry lasted several days. The witnesses seemed in general to say, that there had been no direct invitation to immediate and positive revolutionary action; but

that the speeches delivered lament ed the deplorable state of Germany, particularly in being parcelled out into several states, insisted on the necessity of a change, and of establishing unity among all the Germans, abused the princes, and clearly alluded to a German republic one and indivisible. The doctor contended, in his defence, that the existing state of things was good for nothing. Every citizen was entitled and bound to declare his sentiments on the wants of the age; direct incitations to revolution were forbid den. He had given no direct incitement; but anarchy arose from re-action. The obtaining a reform like that in England had been his idea, till the resolutions of the Diet of the 28th of June. The English Reform Bill had originated with the most distinguished men. He had no thought of employing any but moral means. He claimed the rights of the German people, but said, he refrained from direct encouragement to revolution, because the time for it was not yet come. Whoever accused him of direct incitement, made him either a fool or a coward-a fool by supposing him to be illacquainted with the times, or a coward, by believing him capable of denying such direct encouragement if he had given it. The rest of the accused took the same line of defence; all thus admitting, that revolution, at a convenient scason, was their object. One of them said, he was too sensible that the people were not ripe enough to be invited to revolution; but that to instruct the people was a duty, and not prohibited by any penal law. Dr. Liebenpfeiffer was sentenced to two years' imprisonment, and to pay the expenses of the

trial. He was lodged in prison at night. Next morning, when the gaoler visited his cell, the door was properly secured, the gratings of the window were uninjured, but the doctor was gone. A procla mation was issued for his apprehension; but the French frontier

was too near.

In SWITZERLAND, civil dissension assumed a much more regular form. We have already recorded how the rural communes of the canton of Basle, had separated themselves from the city, and fixed at Liestall the seat of an independent government, subject only to the general Diet; and how the example had been followed in the canton of Schwyz, where the outer districts, under the name of Schwyz-exterior, had separated themselves from the other districts and the capital, on which they bestowed the appellation of Schwyzinterior. The pretext of these dissensions was, that the dissidents, by the existing federal constitution, did not possess equal powers and rights with those parts of the canton from which they tore themselves loose. The Diet had not acted with energy or promptitude. While it spoke of reforming the federal compact, it did not exact due obedience to the compact which existed, and seemed about to add another to the mischievous examples of changes being sanctioned by law, because they had been presented by armed violence. Seeing that the canton of Basle was divided de facto into two parts, it had adopted, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Basle-town, the temporising measure of admitting the deputies of both divisions of the canton to the Diet; but allowing them only one vote between them. In the meantime, the can

ton of Schwyz-interior consented to the same modifications of its constitution; in consideration of which the Diet deferred until the Session of 1833, the discussion of the question of the separation of the canton into two parts, and the point, therefore, remained in abeyance. But several of the cantons, and among them some of those, the memory of whose deeds surrounded Switzerland with all its fame, were strongly opposed to these innovations, or to any thing which disturbed the existing relations. The cantons of Schwyz, Uri, Unterwald, Basle, and Neufchatel, assembled at Sarnen, in a Diet of their own; and decided that they would take no part in the proceed ings of the General Diet, if the deputies of Basle-country were admitted. They then transferred their sittings to Schwyz, from which they again expressed the same determination, in a manifesto by which the deputies of those cantons, acting in obedience to express instructions from their respective governments, declared, that faithful to their oaths, they remained firmly attached to the compact of the 7th of August, 1815, which fixed the rights and duties of the members of the Confederation.

The Diet met at Zurich in the beginning of July. They proceeded to consider the revision of the federal compact which might be necessary to gratify the wishes of the reformers of Basle and Schwyz. The question was adjourned till it should be seen what could be effected by an amicable conference with the new Diet of Sarnen. In the interval, the parties came to blows. An inhabitant of Kussnacht, where the revolters of Schwyz had fixed the

government of their Schwyz exterior, having petitioned for a reunion with the original Canton, was arrested by the authorities, but afterwards rescued by his friends. Serious disturbances ensued, the windows of several houses were broken, muskets were fired, and several persons were wounded; the party who were for a re-union suffered severely. Troops were immediately sent from Schwyz, Their commander entered Kussnachs at the head of 600 men, and took possession of it in the name of the Canton of Schwyz; he deposed the authorities, appointed new magistrates, made the principal malcontents prisoners, and brought them under escort to Schwyz. Almost simultaneously, a more severe and sanguinary contest took place between the troops of Basle, and those of Liestall, and terminated to the advantage of the latter. The Diet immediately ordered a large body of federal troops to march against Basle, who forthwith occupied it without resistance. The Diet, incomplete as it was, decided that the final separation of the canton into two, should be carried into effect, in the face of the remonstrances of many communes, which prayed, that they might remain united with the city, or be allowed to form a distinct political body, under the protection of the Diet, till their re-union with Basle might be effected. Basle, at the mercy of the troops of the Diet, was compelled to submit to a measure which reduced it to a rank among the Cantons far inferior to that which it had hitherto held; but the very declaration of its submission set forth, almost in express terms, that it yielded only to compulsion:-"We, the burgomaster and Grand Council of the

canton of Basle, having heard the report of our deputation, and considering the decree of the Diet, and considering that, since the military occupation of the town of Basle, the acknowledgment of the Diet and its decrees has become inevitable, ordain as follows :-In conformity with Article 2 of the decree, we declare, that we acknowledge the Diet, and the decrees it has pronounced relating to the affairs of Basle."

These events, moreover, threatened to bring the Diet into collision with a more formidable opponent. Neufchatel had adhered to the Diet of Sarnen; it had refused to send its deputies to Zurich; the general Diet threatened it with troops, although Neufchatel might well have answered, that, as it became subject to the sovereignty of the Diet only on the conditions contained in the federal act of 1815, and as that act had now been broken in upon by the Diet, and that, too, a very incomplete Diet, the sovereignty was at an end.

The reformers of the other cantons insisted on the inconvenience of having a republican canton, over which the king of Prussia was sovereign. Neufchatel itself was much divided. On the one hand, the legislative council of the canton sent a deputation to the king, requesting him to take measures for having it entirely separated from the Swiss body. On the other, a deputation conveyed to Berlin a petition signed by a great number of inhabitants, praying his majesty to relinquish the sovereignty of Neufchatel, in consideration of an adequate indemnity, and to allow the country to unite itself to Switzerland as an independent republic. Its deputies, in the mean time, consented to take their place in the Diet, but under a protest, that they insisted on the preservation of the sovereign rights of the canton with regard to the integrity of its constitution, and its relations with the king of Prussia, as prince of Neufchatel.

present year, no event of importance, except a plot against the life of the king of Naples, and the discovery of a conspiracy against the government of Turin. The former scarcely bore a political character, or, at least, its means were utterly contemptible. The principal conspirators were said to have been the four sons of a general Rossarol, who, having been deeply compromised in the events of 1820, had sought refuge in Greece, where he fell in the wars for Greek independence. The king of Naples, touched with compassion for the youth of the four orphans, not only revoked the proscription existing against the family of Rossarol, but gave them commissions in his Royal Guards. A plot to assassinate him, formed by the Rossarols, and two or three other officers, was the reward of his benevolence. The plot was discovered by an attempt made to gain over an aide-de-camp, who feigned acquiescence, and having made himself master of all the particulars, revealed them to the proper authorities. Two of

each other, on being detected. One of them was killed, and the other severely wounded. All the persons engaged in the plot were apprehended. The Sardinian conspiracy was, or was treated as having been, much more dangerous; but it, too, was discovered before it exploded. It existed at different points of the kingdom, particularly Genoa and Alexandria. A number of arrests took place, principally of young officers and practitioners of the law; and several of them suffered death under the sentences of the ordinary courts, or of military commissions. The papal government seemed to consider that it had recovered its former securities; for, on the ground that plots against the throne and the altar had compelled it to raise new troops, and take foreign regiments into its pay, it restored various taxes which had been reduced or abolished in consequence of the popular demands during the Revolution of 1831.

GREECE received her young king in the beginning of the year. He landed at Nauplia, attended by