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chiefly associated with the battles of Clontarf, Athenry, and Benburb. If these great events do not excite such palpitating sympathies, or breathless wonder, as Marathon, Cannæ, and Zama do, it is because they were fought under very different circumstances. To this other causes may be added, such as the bald memoranda of our annalists, and the dull narratives afterwards compiled from them. We have had heroes, but no historian.

Boru and O'Neill were equally fortunate in their famous exploits; but O'Connor lost the battle by which he gained his memorable name. Boru perished after a glorious victory, and O'Connor after a defeat scarcely less glorious. The former crowned a distinguished career; the latter was on the point of initiating a more illustrious one, when death brought it to a sudden close.

LOW.

The king of Connaught fell at the age of twenty-three; so that it is impossible to place him in proper contrast with the other two princes in any points, except those already noticed. It should not be omitted, however, that each was a true type of his province, then and even The Ulster prince was wily, wary, and persevering; the Connacian, impetuous, petulant, and disputatious; the Mononian, ambitious, arrogant, and vain. The long space of three centuries between the first two, and of three more between the last two, does not appear to have made any essential changes in their provincial or national characteristics. So few blemishes can be discovered in the moral features of those eminent personages, that we do not wish to have our pleasure lessened, or our pride checked by too close an examination of them; but we cannot avoid seeing the usurpation of O'Brien, and the temporary defection of O'Connor and O'Neill.

In the knowledge of military affairs O'Neill was not only greatly superior to any of his own countrymen, but perhaps little inferior to his celebrated contemporaries, Condé and Turenne. He entered the service of Spain at a time when the French and Spanish wars raged with unceasing fury; and he was always on active service, and under the ablest captains. In him the

mental soil was rich and deep; so that his opportunities were seeds of skill that quickened rapidly, and produced abundantly. But, besides, he had a natural passion and peculiar genius for the profession of arms. În the sword he saw his only patrimony, and he resolved to cultivate it. While yet young, he was thoughtful and studious. He read military history, campaigns, and sieges to such an extent, and with such nicety, that he was no indifferent tactician before he entered the service. It would be absurd to compare him closely with any of the great Continental generals. On his coming home he had neither Spanish nor French troops; neither a large nor a regular army; his desultory levies were seldom more than half furnished; and, without any fault of his, they remained almost as ill disciplined as armed. In many respects a parallel may be drawn between him and the Cid, Rodrigo de Bivar. Their troops, their tactics, and their cause, frequently bear to each other a strong resemblance; but this likeness is, no doubt, marred by the disparity of the periods at which the heroes signalized themselves. We observe in both the same coolness, artfulness, and intrepidity, under very similar circumstances; but the Cid would have been greatly at fault at Arras in 1640, where O'Neill baffled and routed the French, and where, ten years after, Turenne defeated Condé. We cannot form a just estimate of the military abilities of Owen Roe from his mere achievements in Ireland; it is not exactly from anything he did we can judge of him; how he did it, and by what means he did it, are the elements which will lead to a just opinion of his bold and comprehensive genius. He was, indeed, sometimes beaten; so was Turenne at Cambray, Retel, and Mariendal; but of the Irish general it can be truly said, that he was never vanquished when he had the least chance of success.

O'Neill possessed an agreeable presence, and a manly deportment. His address was easy and courteous; but a politic reserve rendered it less kind and encouraging than otherwise it would have been. His manners were

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polished, owing to long intercourse with the best society of the Continent, at a period when refinement had arrived at its highest pitch. He had received a good education, spoke four languages, and was not unacquainted with literature. His understanding was large and vigorous. He was averse to argument; yet, when brought to it, prompt and logical. His perception of abstract truths was rather correct than quick. So profound was his knowledge of character, that he was scarcely ever deceived by hypocrisy, caught by a snare, or surprised by the word or deed of any one whom he had ever the opportunity to sound. Without being open, he was candid. The circumstances in which he was placed required perpetual prudence, and he was never known to slip. That perspicacity which secured him so much advantage over those about him, whether in camp, in council, or in treaty, exposed him to the censure of being suspicious. His systematic closeness made his warmest friends think him so; whereas his behaviour in that respect was owing merely to a mistrust of their prudence. He came to conclusions very slowly; but once a conviction took root in his mind, scarcely any force could pluck it out. Yet his was not a stupid obstinacy: give him a better reason than his own, and he could yield with grace and gratitude. He was severe without cruelty, and stern without being harsh. Hate was not readily kindled in Owen Roe; but, when it was, the flame was intense and furious. If reconciliation with him was difficult, it had the merit of being entire, generous, and totally forgetful of the past. Between him and his people existed boundless confidence and affection. He had an utter contempt of personal aggrandizement. The Ormondists were always striving to spread a jealousy of his ambition; but the nuncio knew the purity of his aspirations. Naturally merciful, and being accustomed to the principles of warfare observed among civilized people, he used victory with a humanity not very pleasing to either party; since it disappointed the vengeance of the one, and was a grievous reproach to the habitual atrocity of the other.

O'Neill had his failings and faults, but no one will inquire after them in the public life of so eminent a man, and so great a captain; and in his private, they cannot be found; for in this, where the individual is best seen, he was, as Carte testifies, sober, moderate, and liberal.

Ormonde obliged Cromwell to raise the siege of Waterford; but his subsequent efforts were frustrated by the clergy, and the intrigues of Antrim, who aspired to be commander-in-chief. Lord Broghil prevailed on the protestant garrison of Munster to submit to the parliament. Kilkenny capitulated honourably. The reduction of Clonmel, after an obstinate resistance, closed Cromwell's rapid campaign in Ireland. He left his sonin-law, Ireton, to finish the war.

To prevent the enemy from crossing the Shannon, Ormonde asked permission to introduce a garrison into Limerick; but, as none but orthodox troops would be trusted, he was refused. His personal safety was now endangered, and he could do no more harm. He nominated Clanricarde his deputy, and gave up a cause which was chiefly ruined by the narrow bigotry and consequent mutual distrust of both parties engaged in it. The clergy now negociated with the duke of Lorrain, but this prince suddenly broke off upon hearing of the successes of the republicans. Ireton compelled Limerick (1651) to surrender upon terms. Ludlow took Galway. Clanricarde, with 3000 soldiers, was permitted to enter into the service of any foreign state not at war with England. Ormonde and Inchiquin went to France. The triumph of the revolutionists was complete.

Cromwell appointed his son-in-law, Fleetwood, to the government of Ireland. Of the perpetrators of the massacres with which the great rebellion commenced, only 200 could be traced, who were sentenced to death. Forfeited lands were assigned for the reward of Cromwell's army and friends. The Irish were to be confined within Connaught, by the Shannon and a chain of garrisons. "To hell or Connaught," was the cry.

Upon the dissolution of the long parliament, the three

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kingdoms were united into one Commonwealth, with one parliament, and Oliver Cromwell for lord protector. To this parliament Ireland was privileged to send thirty members. Henry, Oliver's son, succeeded Fleetwood as lord deputy, and gave great satisfaction in his mild and just administration. Upon Richard's abdication, Ludlow was chosen to command the forces here.

The Irish royalists seized the opportunity presented by the factions into which the republicans of England were split, and in one week made themselves masters of the principal places in the kingdom. As soon as the declaration made by Charles II. at Breda was published, he was proclaimed, and voted £20,000 by a convention sitting in Dublin.

Sir Phelim O'Neill, who was apprehended by Lord Charlemount's successor, was brought to trial, February, 1652. The parliamentarians were then in authority, and they employed every inducement to make him say that the commission which he exhibited as from the late king was authentic. Ludlow offered him life, liberty, and estate, if he would implicate Charles; but O'Neill, with manly constancy and generous integrity, refused a despicable existence, which was to be purchased by wrongfully staining the memory of an unfortunate monarch. Magnanimity will always be the greatest of virtues. This last act challenges an admiration which effaces the past.

CHAPTER XXI.

CHARLES II. TO JAMES II., A. D. 1660 TO 1688. CHARLES II., 1660-1685.-Before Charles landed, the act of indemnity was so framed as to exclude all those concerned in the late rebellion, that is, the whole body of the Roman catholics. The declaration of settlement was afterwards passed into law by a parliament held in Dublin (1661), to which none but protestants were returned in the lower house; and from which the Roman catholic peers were excluded by a decree passed in the