by both houses of the Irish parliament. But the justices, and their revolutionary friends in the British parliament, steadily and remorselessly pursued one object,—confiscation. It was calculated that the spread of the rebellion into Connaught and Munster would extend the confiscation over 10,000,000 acres. A company was formed in London for the purchase of those prospective domains. They submitted their proposal to parliament, the drift of which was to raise money to suppress the rebellion by the sale of the forfeited lands. Rumours of this nature diffused general apprehensions. The Roman catholic proprietors in the south were in doubt which was the safer course, to remain quiet, or to fly to arms. The insolence and cruelty of St. Leger, the president of Munster, and the shadows of coming events, drove them towards the latter alternative.

Perfect confidence prevailed among the Irish of ultimate and speedy triumph. Their progress was rapid, but sanguinary violence soon began to tarnish their successes. This was the case especially in the north, where Sir Phelim O'Neill was, as yet, the most conspicuous character. His power and authority were rendered boundless by the showing of a commission from Charles, which he at last confessed was a forged instrument. He assumed the title of "The O'Neill," and was styled by his followers earl of Tyrone and king of Ireland. Ferocity lent terror to his name; but this character is considered to be overcharged by some judicious writers, who exonerate him from much of the blame incurred by his officers and followers. Hearing that some of his sept were repulsed attacking a fort, he ordered, it is said, the murder of all the English and Scots in three parishes. News came of the recovery of another; he flew to Armagh, and, in violation of the capitulation, set the town and cathedral on fire, and put a hundred innocent inhabitants to death. He hanged Blaney, the member for Monaghan, in his own garden. He is accused of having given orders for the murder of old Lord Charlemount, when he seized his castle; but his chaplain de

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clares that, on the contrary, he was so highly provoked by that villany, committed by some of his brutal followers, that he ordered six of the murderers to be hanged in February, 1642, upon discovering them. It has been said that the massacres commenced with the cold-blooded slaughter of 3000 unoffending catholics of Island Magee, a small peninsula near Carrickfergus. It may be observed that the population of that place were in arms from the first, and that they hardly could, at the time, have amounted to 1000. But the massacre is an admitted fact; it was perpetrated by some of the Scottish troops, among whom hatred of the Irish papists was a kind of mania; but whether before or after the surrender of Lurgan castle, on the 15th of November, the date of the earliest excesses of the Irish, cannot, perhaps, be determined with certainty. It is a point upon which the expression of the historian's opinion would do more harm than good. There are two truths which cannot be disputed: we have them in the words of Lord Castlehaven, a Roman catholic eye-witness; first, "Not all the waters of the sea could wash away the guilt of the rebels ;" and secondly, "(English) officers took no care to distinguish between rebels and subjects, but killed in many places promiscuously men, women, and children.' After such admissions, it is of little consequence which party perpetrated the first bloody deed; it will, however, be seen, that when the gentlemen and the priesthood were goaded to join in the insurrection, past atrocities were vehemently reprobated, and future prohibited under pain of excommunication, and the severities of civil justice.

The insurrection spread into Leinster and Connaught, and in December appeared in Munster. Some of the leading gentlemen of this province, whose intentions were unquestionably peaceable, remonstrated with the lord president on the violent and lawless proceedings of his brother-in-law. The functionary replied, that he "thought it more prudent to hang the best of them." Seeing no hope of redress, and justly apprehensive of

worse treatment, they broke out, and took Cashel. Here the soldiery committed some cruelties, but their leaders acted with much moderation and humanity. A jesuit, named Saul, carefully protected Dr. Pullen, chancellor of Cashel and dean of Clonfert, who, with his wife and family, had fallen into the hands of the insurgents. It is truly gratifying to be able to state, that there are on record many noble and touching instances of clemency, justice, and magnanimity in the conduct, not only of the public leaders, but of private persons of their party.

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Sir Phelim, whose successes in Ulster had begun to ebb, marched to besiege Drogheda. He defeated a reinforcement destined for that town, at Julianstown bridge. This victory produced such consternation, that his to Dublin lay open. His army was also strengthened by whole regiments who had deserted from the royal standard. The population of the Pale, of both creeds, remained faithful; the principal men offered their services to the justices, requesting a supply of arms. The justices reluctantly distributed a few stand, and called them in immediately after. Many loyal persons, being thus left unprotected, were forced to join the rebels. Sir Phelim pressed Drogheda; but Sir H. Tichbourne, a brave soldier, coming with a reinforcement of 1000 men, took the command of the garrison. Having failed in an escalade, O'Neill determined on starving them into a surrender; and ere long they were obliged to eat horses, dogs, and cats. At length the marquis of Ormonde came to their relief, with 3000 foot and 500 horse; at whose appearance O'Neill broke up the blockade, which had continued three months, and fled back to the north with a precipitation not very heroical. All the horrors of military execution were now felt by the prisoners who were brought up to Dublin. Many revolting scenes took place within the walls of the city. The justices employed the rack to extort confessions; even Ormonde had to protest against some of the cold-blooded murders perpetrated under their eyes.

An extensive defection now took place among the

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Roman catholic lords and gentlemen of the Pale, produced, it is said, by some ominous threats let fall in the English parliament, and by the proceedings of the lords justices, Sir William Parsons and Sir John Borlase, bitter, truculent, and rapacious puritans. Those lords disregarded the summonses of the justices, requiring their attendance for the purpose of a conference on the state of the kingdom. Lord Gormanstown, governor of Meath, instead of complying with the summons, issued a warrant to the sheriff of his county for the calling of a general meeting of it. The meeting assembled, and was attended by several influential persons. During its proceedings, Roger Moore, with an armed band, presented himself. Gormanstown demanded why he entered the Pale in arms. "To maintain the king's prerogative," replied Moore, "and to render his subjects in Ireland as free as those in England." They were satisfied with this answer, and agreed to join him.

CHAPTER XVIII.

CHARLES I.-CONTINUED.

THE clergy now came prominently forward to countenance the insurrection. The primate O'Neill held a synod at Kells, which declared it to be "a pious and lawful war," and denounced "the usurpers of other men's estates." A general synod met at Kilkenny, May 10th, which decreed, that whoever refused to aid the cause, or remained neuter, should be excommunicated. It was also resolved to solicit foreign aid. A frame of government was established: the component parts were an upper and a lower house; a council of twelve for the administration of justice in each county; provincial councils; and the supreme council of the confederate catholics, composed of twenty-four persons, having for their president lord Mountgarrett. This nobleman had gained, in the parliament of 1615, the favour of king James. In 1619 his estates and lucrative privileges had been secured

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to him; yet was he "forced," as he says, "into the general cause by the example of those, who, as innocent and free from infringing his majesty's laws as himself, had been used in the manner of traitors."-(Letter to Ormonde, March 25, 1642.)

The general assembly, chosen according to the decrees of the synod held in May, commenced its sittings in Kilkenny, October 24, 1642. As soon it was fitly organized, .one of its first acts was an humble petition to the king's most excellent majesty. The petitioners declare themselves his faithful, loving subjects, and use throughout very warm professions of allegiance to his sacred person. They reprobate the popular outrages which disgraced the beginning of the revolt, and promise to punish the perpetrators; they also, on the other hand, set forth the cruelties and indignities to which their countrymen were subjected. They denounce the misguided notions of those who calculated on shaking off the English yoke. They abjure the title of parliament for their assembly, declaring that the calling of that great body was a prerogative inseparable from the crown. They avow their fixed purpose to observe the common law of England, and such Irish statutes as were not contrary to their religion. They crave inquiry into their grievances; security for their estates and liberties, according to British law; and the free exercise of their religion. Finally, they promise to put their forces at the king's disposal, in case their prayer be granted.

Provincial generals were chosen: Owen O'Neill for Ulster; Preston for Leinster; Garret Barry for Munster; Colonel Burke for Connaught. An official seal was

adopted in the centre a cross, with a crown on the right side, and on the left a harp above it; below, a flaming heart, surrounded with the words, "Pro Deo, Rege, et Patria, Hiberni unanimes." A coinage was struck: the pieces had on one side a king playing on a harp, with a radiant crown on his head, and over it the imperial crown of England, with the motto Floreat Rex. The confederates drew up a form of oath, by which they swore to defend