The black eye, all sparkling and bright,
Shows a soul full of genius and fire;
Melting softly in Love's tender light,
But flashing resplendent in ire.
The brown eye, bewitching and mild,
Speaks a heart that is gentle and true,
Than the black eye less fiery and wild,
More tender and fond than the blue.

Yet blue's a sweet colour, I own,

The bright laughing hue of high Heaven,
Which to light and to gay hearts alone

By the young God of Love has been given.
Thus wicked blue eyes! to be sure,

What havock they'd make in the heart,
Were they not much more given to cure
Than to lengthen the pang of Love's smart.

But Lavater's no longer "the go,"

Now Spurzheim and Gall are the fashion-
By the shape of the Skull you're to know,
For the future, each talent and passion.
Your grandfather look'd for a wife
With a face that was fair and purse-full;
But you, as you value your life,

Must look to the shape of her skull.

Her forehead, like Jove's, must be large,
Expansive, full, prominent too,
As if, proud of the brains in its charge,
It exultingly swell'd into view.
But shun a too prominent eye,

For the organ of language is there,—

An organ which all men decry,

When developed too much in the fair.

There are some pleasant organs behind,
Seated just at the top of the neck:-
But if too large, 'twere hard, you would find,
To keep such a lady in check :—

For Love, who was once so sublime,
Has quitted his seat in the soul,

Where he lived, in the good "olden time,"
For a snug little spot in the poll.

But no longer on organs to dwell,—
What need I of organs now speak,

Which it is to be hoped you'll know well
Before you are married a week?
Only this you will still bear in mind,
Unless you're confoundedly dull,
No beauty in shape you're to find,
Except in the shape of the Skull.

R. E.

GODWIN'S HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH.*

A GENERAL history of the period which Mr. Godwin has made his subject was very much wanted. It is not that there were no previous accounts of the English Commonwealth on record. On the contrary, there were many in the shape of Lives, Memoirs, &c. which may be considered as standing in the place of history. But there was no one production, professing, with any appearance of good faith, to take a comprehensive and impartial survey of those eventful times: none in which the King or the Commonwealth's-men (most frequently the latter) were not either traduced, or the actions and events of the period canvassed with a notorious spirit of partiality. On this ground we are disposed to meet Mr. Godwin, in the consideration of his work, with our most unqualified and sincere congratulation, how great soever may be our objections to it in other respects.

He has well chosen his time. He is neither too near nor too distant from the republican era, Incomparably the brightest and fullest of event and character of any in the history of this country. Upwards of a century and a half has elapsed since the commencement of those struggles, which, for a time, disturbed the tranquillity of the land, and shook royalty to its roots; and indeed ended in driving to a scaffold a member of the House of Stuart, and abolishing for a while the kingly name and influence in England. We look upon the feverish times which preceded the Commonwealth, as on the tempest of yesterday, which has passed away, and left-may we say it?-calm and sunshine behind. The descendants both of Charles and Oliver are gone. Our veneration for royalty has somewhat abated, and we can endure to hear a republican spoken of as a man of talent, and even of virtue. Indeed we must shut our eyes and our hearts altogether, to be insensible to the worth and great qualities of many of our ancestors who took part in the disputes which occurred between Charles and his people. There has never been seen, in the modern world, a brighter constellation of gifted men. They shone above the troubles of their time, above the smoke and noise of that important conflict, like stars, in whose aspects the fates of inferior thousands might be read: a few were illustrious, and many had some portion of reputation, till, at last, all seemed eclipsed and overborne by the then lord of the ascendant; and the splendour even of the most brilliant warriors and statesmen became merged in, or derived from, the more dazzling renown of Cromwell. There were as brave, as intellectual, and better men than he; but none so ambitious or fortunate. Nor was merit confined to the good cause or to the bad. Each had its array of bold, disinterested, and conscientious men. First, on the side of Charles (whom we shall speak of presently) were his nephews, Maurice, and the fiery Rupert, young, proud, brave, indiscreet, and ambitions, till his spirit was tamed down by the stern warriors who conquered him-Lord Falkland, and Hyde (Lord Clarendon) a shrewd but partial writer, both of whom went over from

History of the Commonwealth of England, from its commencement to the Restoration of Charles II. By William Godwin. Vol. I. 8vo. containing the Civil

War.

the side of the Commonwealth to the King-Strafford, a formidable man, and an able minister for a despotic prince-Hamilton-the elegant courtier Holland (we regret that a peer of this name should have been blown from side to side, like a weathercock)—and Montrose, the "Anderson" of Sir Walter Scott's "Legend," one of the bloodiest minions that ever forsook the cause of his country, and trampled upon the rights of a brave people. On the other side, we wish we could reckon Sir Edward Coke, who stood up against arbitrary imprisonment, and underwent himself imprisonment and penalty, and gained for us the famous "Petition of Right," (which forbade the imposition of any tax, &c. by the King, without the authority of Parliament; the imprisonment of any subject without his being able to deliver himself by course of law; the arbitrary billeting of soldiers; and the proceeding against any subject by martial law in a time of peace); but he was rather the herald than the participator of liberty. But there were still on the side of the Commonwealth, Selden-"learned Selden!"-Hampden, brave, intelligent, politic, and honest; a man whose name is echoed by patriots, and is the rallying point for all who suffer by oppressionthe acute and industrious Pym-Saint John, the lawyer—and the younger Vane, a subtle, disinterested and altogether extraordinary man—

"Vane, young in years, but in sage counsel old,
Than whom a better senator ne'er held

The helm of Rome"

Essex, a brave and honourable man perhaps, but undecided and perpetually swayed by his humours, and oscillating between king and people -Waller, a quick and well-educated general-and that gallant, accomplished warrior, Sir Thomas Fairfax-the high-bred and noble Manchester-Skippon, a stern good soldier-and Massey, worthy to side with him-Argyle, a subtle politician-and others of the same order of men-And last, but not least, over all reigned the glory of CROMWELL, who hung like a grand and sullen meteor in the English air, shooting out his fiery darts upon the bands of wandering royalists opposed to him, and cheering with his gloomy rays the hordes of bold men and desperate fanatics which clustered around and hailed him at once as their saint and leader!

We forbear to enter much into the questions which were at issue between Charles I. and his people; but we cannot altogether avoid an opinion on the subject. We mean no disrespect to the kingly character, when we say that he deserved to lose at least his crown: and we think that the fact of his still being held up as a martyr (!) in our churches, tends not only to degrade the character of martyrdom (by shewing that the road to it may lie through juggling and chicanery, and that the only requisite is suffering), but also most unjustly to cast a stain upon the many brave and better men who opposed themselves to his indiscreet encroachments upon the liberties of the country. We hear, indeed, occasionally of the reputation of Hampden, at public meetings and constitutional dinners; but we read of him, in the pages of Hume and Clarendon, as a sour, discontented fanatic, and a cunning demagogue. He was neither; but was a disinterested and intelligent politician, an undaunted lover of his country: and the writers who have dared to cast their

coloured and imperfect glass over the face of truth, in order to degrade his character, deserve the eternal reprobation of their countrymen.

On the death of Elizabeth, James I. was welcomed to London from Scotland with masques and triumphs. Allegory was strained, and fable ransacked for stories and allusions, tending almost to his deification; and the sorrow which overflowed all eyes on the death of the "Virgin Queen," was changed to smiles of welcome on the arrival of the good-natured pedagogue who succeeded her. James came to London, steeped in Latin and prejudice up to the lips; and, above all, impressed with a profound belief in the "divine rights" of kings. It has been said of him, somewhere, that "he mistook the weight for the strength of a sceptre." He certainly felt his elevation, but he does not appear to have seen the base on which the pyramid of royalty was founded. He did not comprehend the moral strength and value of a great nation. Neither did he make many attempts to conciliate the affections of his more powerful subjects, and none to render himself agreeable to the people in general. It is true that his conduct did not give rise to any great disturbance; but he sowed and nourished the seeds of rebellion in the land, which in the tyranny of his unfortunate son ripened and burst. Charles I. was bred up in the principles of his father; but he was a bolder and prouder man, and pushed the system of misgoverning to such an extent, that the spring which he pressed so violently, recoiled, and brought ruin upon his family, and death to himself.

Some excuses may be urged, perhaps, on behalf of Charles; as that he was educated from his very cradle to believe in the divinity of kings, and that none of the noblemen of England had courage or candour enough (until too late) to advise him how to reign over a free people; so that, after all, he may have commenced his rule under an idea that he was only maintaining the kingly rights when he opposed his “privileges" to the demands and necessities of his subjects. But-however he might deceive himself for a short time in this manner-his character forbids us to suppose that the delusion could have lasted long. Besides, it argues but little in favour of any king, that he should prefer what are called his "rights" to the solid benefits which he can bestow upon a large population. Charles professed to regard the people as his children; but he exercised more of the rigour than the affection of a parent. He was a high-born, sensible, proud, and obstinate personage; ready enough to grasp at power, but evincing few qualifications for a throne beyond what arose from a certain degree of talent and courage. His pride was the pride of place, but not (if we may so speak) of spirit. He disdained to give up an inch of prerogative, but stooped at the same time to trickery and falsehood, and sacrificed his character to preserve his station. He had a "stiff-necked" dogged inveteracy of purpose, which has been called resolution by his admirers, and obstinacy by his foes. It has been well said, in reference to such characters, that "a stiff neck is a diseased neck." In such cases, the best plan is to effect a cure, if possible; but if not, the majority will be apt, on most occasions, we fear, if their welfare be affected, to seek some other and more violent remedies. As to the course of proceeding adopted towards Charles, we are certainly inclined to regret that matters should have been carried to such extremities: but, the event having happened, it is

to be regarded as a salutary lesson, which despotic princes should never forget.

We shall abstain from farther dissertation, and introduce Mr. Godwin's work to the reader's acquaintance by a few quotations.

The first chapter of the work is introductory, and glances generally at the characters of the republicans or commonwealthsmen who were engaged in the war against the king:

"They were," he says, a set of men new in this country: and they may be considered as having become extinct at the Revolution in 1688. It will not be the object of these pages to treat them, as has so often been done, with indiscriminate contumely. They were, many of them, men of liberal minds, and bountifully endowed with the treasures of intellect. That their enterprise terminated in miscarriage is certain; and a falling party is seldom spoken of with sobriety or moderation by the party that is victorious. Their enterprise might be injudicious: the English intellect and moral feeling were probably not sufficiently ripe for a republican government: it may be, that a republican government would at no time be a desirable acquisition for the people of this country. But the men may be worthy of our admiration, whose cause has not prospered; and the tragic termination of a tale will often not on that account render the tale less instructive, or less interesting to a sound and judicious observer."

He then proceeds to discuss the characters of the individuals, whose exertions led the way to the resistance - inade to the encroachments of Charles, or who themselves commenced the struggle against tyranny. These are, Sir Edward Coke, Selden, Hampden, and Pym. Hampden, he says truly," was one of the most extraordinary men in the records of mankind." He then details the circumstances of the ship-money, and afterwards proceeds :—

"He was rather of reputation in his own country, than of public discourse or fame in the kingdom, before the business of ship-money: but then he grew the argument of all tongues, every man enquiring who and what he was, that durst,' at the risque of the vengeance of a court, distinguished for its unrelenting and vindictive character, 'support the liberty and property of the kingdom.'

"Yet all this was nothing, if he had not possessed qualities, the most singularly adapted to the arduous situation in which he stood. He possessed judgment; all men came to learn from him, and it could not be discerned that he learned from any one. He was modest; he was free from the least taint of overbearing and arrogance; he commonly spoke last, and what he said was of such a nature that it could not be mended. He won the confidence of all; and every man trusted him. His courage was of the firmest sort, equally consummate in council and the field. All men's eyes were fixed upon him; he was popular and agreeable in all the intercourses of life; he was endowed with a most discerning spirit, and the greatest insinuation and address to bring about whatever he desired. What crowned the rest, was the prevailing opinion of him as a just man, and that his affections seemed to be so publicly guided, that no corrupt and private ends could bias them.' He was, as Clarendon observes, 'possessed with the most absolute spirit of popularity, and the most absolute faculties to govern the people, of any man I ever knew.' Indeed all the above features of character are extracted from the noble historian, being only separated from the tinge of party, and the personal animosity, which misguided his pen."

Of these men, two perished early in the dispute, namely, Pym and