WITH SPECIMENS OF THEIR LOYALTY, SOUND SENSE, AND PATRIOTIC EXERTIONS. They are the abstract and brief chronicle of the times." SHAKESPEARE. HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECH. (From the Sheffield Iris.) be exercised. Nor is there any thing personally invidious in this; if the population of the United Kingdom amount to fifteen millions, His Majesty, from the hereditary circumstance of birth, is fifteen times more conspicuous than an ordinary man; and, for the interest of all, he who is so ought to have the pre-eminence, because no other can be put in competition with him, or execute authority, either delegated or assumed, with influence at all comparable. The law of gravity affects the political as well as the physical world, and the very words, much more the blows, that fall among his fellows, from a great man, are weighty in proportion to his elevation above them. A mill-stone, thrown upward by the arm of a giant, may have spent its force before it reaches its aim, while a pebble from the hand of an infant, accelerated in its descent from an Alpine precipice, may strike with the force of a thunder-bolt on the object placed beneath it. The annual opening of the British Parliament illustrates our view of this subject. MUCH has been said within the last thirty years about the Sovereignty of the People -that the people are sovereign, we are perfectly willing to allow, but that they can be Sovereigns is a position too monstrous to be entertained for a moment by the most infatuated radical. In the imaginary state of nature, which is presumed in all countries to have preceded civil policy, every man is king for himself, and consequently, as far as may be in his power, he makes all his brother kings his subjects; that is, he exercises the right of the strongest, wherever he is comparatively weak. It is for the very purpose of putting down this "mob of kings," that Society itself exists, less perhaps as a convention entered into by men with one another, than imposed upon them by the counsel of God, working his secret purposes out of their necessities, and causing them as unconsciously to rise out of savage into civilized life, as an individual of the species grows from infancy to youth, and from youth to maturity. It has been found by the experience of four thousand years, that one king is enough for one country; the exceptions to the practice have been few, for pure sovereign power, if exercised at all, is necessarily one and indivisible, and where it has been shared between more, the name alone belonged to the parties; the two kings of Sparta, therefore, were no more such in the simple acceptation of the term than the two Roman consuls were kings. In England, then, whatever may be the case with despotic countries, the people are indeed sovereign, but their sovereignty resides in the King, and it is through him alone that it can The The King of England is a representative King, and no more claims a preternatural title to royalty than a member of the House of Commons claims his seat there by any pretended divine right, after having been elected to it by his fellow-citizens. King of England in like manner is the representative of all his fellowkings, constituting the sovereign people, who, as they can neither be sovereigns individually nor collectively in well-governed society, are well content to be so by proxy in the person of their universal delegate." If the French, under their old tyranny, found almost a compensation (a compensation at least in the degradation of slavery,) for their own squalid wretchedness and utter insignificance, PP in contemplating the power and splendour of their Grand Monarque, how much more rationally may the people of England felicitate themselves in having a Prince, who is the representative as well as the guardian of their own honour, wealth, and rights, secured to them by laws which even he cannot violate, and which it is the glory and security of his prerogative to administer for their benefit. : The King's speech at the commencement of each Session of Parliament is in fact the account, which he renders to his people of the trust reposed in him, as their Representative Head and since it would be not only indecorous but inexpedient to make him individually responsible for the acts of his government, yet as in a free state every act of that government ought to be freely canvassed by the legislators, the Sovereign's advisers are made answerable for whatever is done in his name, and this at once preserves the nation from being put in jeopardy by the personal incapacity of the prince, and secures in the conduct of its affairs men either of great talents or great interest in their due administration. We are aware of disadvantages arising out of the peculiar circumstances of this United Kingdom; but whatever be its practical defects, a less exceptional form of constitution could not be devised by the intellect of man, aided by the accumulated experience of all ages, than that which was established bere at the Glorious Revolution of 1688. The speech, though addressed to the Members of the Houses of Parliament, is not less adapted to "the million;" it is to all His Majesty's subjects; and whatever fault may be found with that recently delivered, it is such a speech, as could only be made by the monarch of a free people. Were the Emperor of Germany or the King of Prussia to assemble any portion of their vassals, and thus report what had been done by them for the welfare of the state, what were its existing difficulties, and what measures might be rendered thereby necessary, --and were they do this for the express purpose of submitting all these things to their unrestrained discussion, leaving the means of carrying on the government itself to their discretion, it would argue a change in those realms of pure despotism, which probably nothing but a revolution as long, as sanguinary, and otherwise as much to be deprecated as the revolution of France, could accomplish, were such a change deemed desirable by the inhabitants themselves. But the speech of our King is not only intended for the people of England, it is spoken throughout the civilized world, and every court in Europe hearkens to it with anxiety and curiosity to learn the actual line of British policy from it in respect to continenta! affairs. There is no such medium of ascertaining the views of any other cabinet respecting inter-national affairs. Those, for example, of Turkey have agitated all Christendom for twelve months past, and innumerable state papers, articles of intelligence, and contradictory rumours, from Russia, Austria, &c. have been published in the interval, from none of which has it been possible to gather even an idea in the course of negociation between the Porte and the powers, that have interfered in behalf of the Greeks. Now His Majesty's speech, in a single line, gives more information on this subject, than can be ascertained from all that has been thus written, or reported beside. STATE OF THE NATION. (From the Leeds Intelligencer.) IT is the fashion with the factious and restless, with those who are discontented, because they have been disappointed of place, and who are longing for a share of the loaves and fishes of office-to declaim, with Ciceronian eloquence, on the extravagance and corruption of ministers; and to set forth, with the modesty so characteristic of state reformers, their own claims to public confidence. We have heard the changes rung, in every possible way, on the immense amount of our public expenditure, the extent of our establishments, and the pertinacity with which ministers have refused to accede to the various motions for retrenchment, made by that accurate calculator, Mr. JOSEPH HOME, supported by Messrs. CREEVEY, HARBORD, and some ten or eleven others out of the 658 members of which the British Parliament is composed. All our distresses, all our misfortunes are attributed by these empirics to one canse the extravagance of ministers; and the only remedy for the diseases of the state, we are told-with the same sang froid, that a quack will recommendhis nostrum as an infallible specificin all disorders of the body--is a change of MEN: viz. we are to turn out the presentadministration, through whom England and Europe have been saved from the yoke of a military despot, and by whom our beloved country has been raised to the first rank in the scale of nations: and we are to do this, in order to receive in their places-whom?-why the very men, who would have taught the freeborn and high-spirited Englishman, to kneel at the proud foot of a conqueror;" and who would have licked the dust from the feet of the tyrant who held Europe in chains Those, who advocate this measure, know, that it is repellent to every manly-to every generous feeling: they are aware that falsehood and deception can alone gild the bitter pill they are preparing, and make it palatable to Englishmen: falsehood and deception, therefore, are the weapons to which they continually resort, but TRUTH will prevail over all their machinations; she will expose all their nefarious practices, and bring all their deeds of darkness to light. We are advocates for ECONOMY in the true and genuine sense of the word; not that economy of candleends and cheese-parings, beyond which, Mr. HUME cannot extend his limited views but for such economy, as, whilst it is directed to the curtailment of our expences, and the husbanding of our resources yet looks with a careful eye to the effect which retrenchment has upon the interests of society: lest, by degenerating into parsimony, and by withdrawing too much at once from the amount of the annual expenditure, it should have the effect of paralizing instead of relieving the industry of the country, by a sudden contraction of the demand for articles of our produce and manufacture for public consumption, before the supply had accommodated itself to this decreased demand, or before other channels were opened for the disposal of our commodities. If any blame is to be attached to ministers, it is, not for a pertinacious resistance to retrenchment, but, for making a too sweeping reduction of expenditure in the first instance. It is our firm conviction, that the nation would have been less burthened by a continuance of 8 to 10,000,000l. additional taxes for a few years-than it was by the discharge, in two years, of upwards of three hundred thousand individuals, from the army, navy, and public works; and the consequent decrease in the government expenditure, and of the government demand, for agricultural and manufacturing produce. This decrease had certainly a considerable effect in depressing the markets, and in embarrassing both the farmer and the merchant. But ministers acted from the laudable wish to make every reduction which the safety of the empire rendered practicable: and from a desire to reduce the amount of the public burthens with all possible speed. If they erred, they deserve the credit of having erred from the best motives. Their illiberal opponents, however, give them credit for no motives but the very worst. They will not admit, that, as ministers, they possess either honour or humanity. The vilest wretch that ever trod the earth--the basest kuave that ever wrung from the widow and the orphan their hardearned mite cannot be represented in more odious colours, than are the honourable and high-minded men, who sway the destinies of the mightiest nation of the world. Since such is the conduct of the systematic opposers of government, it is the duty of its friends to see, that the conduct of ministers is sent forth in a true light to the world; and that the falsehoods of the minions and retainers of faction are detected and exposed. duced by the improper composition of the legislative bodies, and particularly the House of Commons," In replying to the arguments employed by our political adversary, we shall take, in all instances, his own words for our text. " Placemen," we think, are better in Parliament than any where else; the "influence of great families" in the election of Members is rather beneficial than pernicious; and the "sale of boroughs," though dishonourable to those who are concerned in the traffic, is in no danger of going to such an extent as to put the Constitution to any hazard. The reasons are the real power of every country is vested in its effected Aristocracy; and that country is the happiest in which the Aristocracy is the most numerous and most diversified as to the sources of its influence; -and that Government is the most suitable, secure, and beneficial, which is exercised most directly by the mediation of the Aristocracy. In a country where rank, wealth, and office, contribute the chief sources of influence over individuals, it is proper as just, that rank, wealth, and office, should make the greatest number of its legislators. we King, and the "Great Families," to exercise them in the Lower House. Should Mr. Hume, Mr. Lambton, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Bennet, Sir Robert Wilson, and their troops, not find a sufficient check in the influence of the Sovereignty and Aristocracy, should soon find them taking possession of the Treasury Benches;-and then, in the place of making war upon the Crown, or advocating the cause of THE PEOPLE, we should see them creating new places and pensions; carrying favouritism to a pitch higher than ever, instituting new taxes;-and crowning the labours of their "Constitutional Ministry," by employing the most barefaced influence in the next General Election of the country. There is no just mode of judging of the future, but by the experience of the past: and who, then, will be silly enough to put faith in men, who are known to be so ready to wheel to the right-about, whenever their interest or their policy requires it? Will any believe that those who, in 1805, abandoned THE PEOPLE, and the boasted distinctive principles of Whiggism of which we hear so much, and became to all intents and purposes what they now call “ Tories”—would not do so in 1822, from the instant of their usurpation of the Treasury Benches? Who is there, that is not convinced in his heart, that these same This is not the language of presumption, but of experience. For, in spite of Placemen and Pensioners," and "Purchasers of Boroughs," and "Nominees of Lords," the present House" of Commons unquestionably contains a sufficient number and variety of persons to represent all the different opinions, and maintain all the different views of policy, which exist in the country at large. There is no sentiment so democratical-no accusation so uncourtly-no interest so local-but it finds there a voice to support and assist it. There, discussions are sufficiently public; and excite a sufficient share of general atten tion and interest. We also argue that, to preserve the due balance of the Constitution, the King and the Peers should exert their influence not merely against, but IN the House of Commons. If they do not, Democracy will become so powerful, that neither King nor Nobles can prove strong enough to withstand any measure of popular or radical Legislation. In order to exercise their Constitutional functions with safety, it becomes necessary for the 64 principles of Whiggism" of which we hear so much, though of prodigious use in turning the periods of an Opposition Speech, are totally inapplicable to a majority in Parliament, or to the practice of Government; and that the differences between the political parties of the present day have nothing to do with any set of abstract principles? The only question is, which of these parties, during the experience which the nation has had of their Government, managed our affairs, in all their different relations, most skilfully and successfully? Upon this question the Tories need not fear to abide the issue of the contest. We quarrel not with the Whigs. We think them a valuable body of men when they keep within the sphere of their real use; that is to say, when they watch Ministers in Parliament, and canvass their measures with candour, without lending assistance, in a sly way, to a third party, or rather faction, whose real object is, an indiscriminate uprooting of King, Constitution, Laws, Tories, Whigs, and all the great institutions of the Monarchy. Whiggism, in its very nature, is essentially opposed to a Government like that of England. It is a common remark, and a sound one too,—“ Make a Whig a Minister, and he cannot remain a Whig,"-, or if he do, he cannot remain a Minister. Sixteen years ago a great cry was raised about the corruption of Administration, and the absolute necessity of giving the Whigs a majority in Parliament, as what exists at the present hour. Well, they were accorded a majority in Parliament: they were admitted into power, and during the whole time they were in power, they not only tacitly but avowedly abandoned the original principles of their party. They were not only totally silent upon many popular points which had excited much of their eloquence, and patriotic indignation when out of place; but they did all they could do for the purpose of increasing patronage, and establishing a gigantic tyranny over thet very PEOPLE whose cries and violence obtained them a majority in Parliament, and accelerated their march to the seats of Ministerial and Legislative domination. ties. The Parliament is now met: those, then, who step forward at this moment, to declare their attachment to it, and their determination to defend it against all aggression from whatever quarter, do but discharge a duty to themselves and their posterity. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. (From the Liverpool Courier.) THE existence of this evil is not to be denied, and it presses onward with a force which must render it imperative upon Parliament, at its session, to take it into consideration. Whether the remedy lies wholly in legislative measures is a point on which, we be lieve, none differ, except those who, for mere factious purposes, would wish to encourage this opinion. That it in part lies there may be true; and to what extent must be again and again examined, until it is so far demonstrated, that the minds of thinking persons may be set at rest. To that investigation we leave it, being assured that there is both intelligence enough to settle the question, and public spirit enough to go to the remedy, should it be found a safe and practicable one. In the mean time, these distresses are pushing the land proprietors to different measures: some it urges to reduce their rents, and others to hold inflammatory pub the more rational and the more difficult mode of proceeding: the latter, as we shall show just now, is eminently absurd, though easy enough in the application. We sincerely hope that these doc trines are sound and just. But what doctrines for men who now court the aid of the Radicals, and seek to throw out the present Ministry by the mere force of their popular principles!lic meetings. The former is certainly Some alteration in Parliament, how ever, might no doubt be made, which would make the system of election more consistent and theoretically perfect, But these advantages, we are perfectly convinced, would be exThe papers have lately recorded a tremely inconsiderable, compared with very praiseworthy instance of a timely those we at present enjoy; and cer-yielding to circumstances on the part tainly would not be worth purchasing at the price of any great discontent, or hazard of the general system. There are some subordinate advantages derived to the people, by making them the electors of their Lawgivers; but it goes so little to the essence of our Constitutional freedom, that we cannot help thinking that our Parliaments would be as useful and valuable as ever they were, though they were mostly composed of persons chosen by lot, or by rotation, from the individuals of a certain fortune and education in each of the Coun of Earl Fitzwilliam, who has gone to what may prove an effectual remedy, in the case of his tenants, never, we believe, severely rented, by a reduction of 40 per cent. Several other considerate instances have occurred of, we shall not say liberality, but of prudence and wisdom; for it can never be the policy of land proprietors to break down into absolute poverty and ruin the cultivators of the soil; and they have shown to those who have sordidly and reluctantly moved in this recurrence to a peace arrangement of things, and to a natural state, by their |