brought to a pass, that it cannot, it must not fail; for as it will be counted one of the greatest actions. of his Majesty's life to have settled that in a fortnight, by a method of his own, which he saw could not have been concluded in many months at Ryswick; so, if this agreement should now break off, he will have introduced a separate way of treating, which may prove infinitely hazardous to his own interest if the precedent shall be followed by other princes; since all the allies, I doubt, are not so well to be trusted upon the honour of their words, as they have had experience he is. EARL OF PORTLAND TO THE DUKE OF My Lord, SHREWSBURY. Loo, August 2-12. 1697. I am very glad that you approve the article which I sent you. It is as strongly expressed as could be expected; and, as to what regards the future tranquillity of England, it remains to be considered, whether it would not be better that this expression should have a general bearing; namely, "to aid no one without exception or reserve;" or, whether, if King James should be therein named, (he being old and not likely to live long, but as a pretended Prince of Wales may live long,) it is certain that he is included in that general period. Your remark that the King of Great Britain is not mentioned by name would be well founded if that article were to be secret or separate; but as it is to be inserted in the general treaty, at the head of which the King is entitled William III., &c. &c., and as it is not customary to repeat the name at. length in each article of a treaty, I think you will be of my opinion, that this cannot be otherwise than as it is. Of the necessity that King James should retire from France, I have spoken very urgently, even from the first interview. But the answer of Marshal Boufflers was, that as this could not be stipulated without naming him, it was not to be expected that the King of France would accede. Upon which I told him, that, in consideration of the King, his master, this stipulation should not be demanded; but I declared that the King, my master, expected the same regard should be paid to him, and that they should cause King James to depart as soon as a peace should be concluded, without the appearance that the King of France was obliged to adopt this measure. And if this were not done, it must be concluded we cared not for the duration of peace; since the King, my master, could never suffer King James to be so near England, as this would foment cabals, which the King of France promised by this article not to countenance. I even desired him to state this very positively in writing. He has since spoken to me of it, adverting to the place whither he might be sent, and even mentioning Avignon as the fittest for his residence. Hence I doubt not he will be removed from Paris, if France is sincere for peace. You will, doubtless, agree with me, that as it was necessary to conciliate France, I ought not to expose myself to a decided refusal, unless I were able to maintain the point; and that it was better to take the thing as verbally granted, when I could obtain no more. Respecting the point on which you have written to the King, it is true that this article, separately considered, has no relation to the successors; but it is still to be remembered, that, at the head of the treaty, when the Kings are named, it is also mentioned that they conclude this peace for themselves, and for their successors, according to the contents of the present treaty. I beg you to consider that this article was sent from France; that Marshal Boufflers could not alter a word; and that, in the existing state of things, I was glad to have it as it is; yet I have spoken of it to the Pensionary, who was here yesterday; and if he can, he will endeavour to insert in the draught of the treaty now pending the word successors in the article itself. I am much obliged to you for having done me the honour to transmit me your opinion with that frankness which I beg you will continue, and I assure you that you cannot practise it towards a man more devoted to your service; but I also request you to consider the difficulty which I had in negotiating any thing, when there is such risk in speaking positively, and yet when no weakness should be shown. SIR JOSEPH WILLIAMSON TO THE DUKE OF My Lord, Hague, August 3-13. 1697. The dissatisfaction of our German allies at the equivalents proposed for Strasburg and Luxemburg must be allowed to vent itself; and we take care what we can, to manage their heats and vehemence in these matters, ever and anon reminding them how far their past performances are from giving us and the alliance any hopes of mending our case by continuing the war; and, therefore, on all sides, and most especially on that of the Empire, it is become necessary to think of a peace. These reflections we find plainly do make the proper impressions: only a little patience must be had, till these ministers (who delight in long dispatches) may have shown their masters what zeal and eloquence they have employed on this occasion. But, after all, the thing will be done; and, indeed, the French press us every day more warmly to do it within the month, which is the term they insist they had declared to the mediator at the first, as the peremptory term, within which the allies must take or leave the French offers. SIR J. WILLIAMSON TO THE DUKE OF My Lord, SHREWSBURY. Hague, August 6-16. 1697. We see plainly that now the Imperialists, thus finding there will be a peace, and that the principal parties seem agreed to hasten it all that is possible, conclude it to no purpose longer to use any arts (as it is not unlikely but hitherto they have done) to delay it; and, therefore, have given into this way of personal conferences with the French at Ryswick, which is what they peremptorily refused to agree to some weeks ago. And, as the points themselves, in which they have any considerable interest to be different, we think they will all be reduced to that one of the equivalent for Luxemburg, (for, as to that of Strasburg, plain it is, that they must rather wish an equivalent should be taken, though they dare not say so :) and, as to that of Luxemburg, the opposition of the Princes of the Empire continues very high; though we find daily that they are more tractable in it, and, in a manner, prepared, when they have done and said what they can, to yield to the necessity of the conjecture. All that we have to say in it is, to convince them, that, whatever the King (our master's) mind is, in this, or indeed, in whatever else can come in question, relating to the general and common interest of the alliance, in what part soever of Europe the thing lies, upon which the question arises, it cannot be suspected |