or in the British Isles. In all these countries and in all these parties are friends known to the writer who reject, or others who accept, some or all of them. The main contention is this, that Dominion electorates must, in the not distant future, assume control of foreign affairs, yet cannot do so without deciding irrevocably whether they are to keep or to renounce their status as citizens of the British Commonwealth. In plain words, the issue, as seen by the writer, is whether the Dominions are to become independent republics, or whether this world-wide Commonwealth is destined to stand more closely united as the noblest of all political achievements. If in truth these are the issues, no greater have ever been raised by events for conscious decision. They are such as transcend parties and party creeds, as much as the immediate issues of the present war, or, indeed, more so. It is not unreasonable, therefore, to plead that political leaders should abstain, at least for so long as the war is in progress, from committing their followers either to or against the conclusions of this inquiry. And the same plea may be made to their organs in the press, that these crucial issues may be discussed freely and fully in their columns, but without throwing them into the ruts of party dispute. The rank and file, it is urged, may be left, for the present, uncommitted by those from whom they are used to take their direction to make their own criticisms, to think their own thoughts, to speak their own minds, until the time comes, as it must, when recognized leaders must lead. It may then happen that statesmen and journalists will find that here is a question which has nothing to do with existing party divisions. It is mainly for that reason that a writer connected with no political faction takes the responsibility of submitting his conclusions to the public in the present crisis, when party controversies are, or ought to be, held in suspense. L. Curtis. March 1916. |