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they complain of the injustice of an income-tax, are forgetful of the one great purpose for which all taxation is imposed. They do not take into account that of the various classes of society they stand the most in need of the protection which a good government affords, and that to grumble because they are requested to contribute equally with other classes towards its maintenance is to shew themselves not very grateful for the protection which they enjoy.

extend. We will venture to predict that the effect of the removal of the duty on glass alone will be to set up scores of glass-manufactories, each of which will turn out a profitable concern, and by the tax on its profits add to the surplus of the next year's revenue. And as to the weaving and working up of cotton, and the impulse that is about to be given to the sugar trade, we cannot speak in terms too sanguine as to our anticipations concerning them. Moreover, we feel that we are yet only in the beginning of things. Other indirect taxes will go; and, through the relief which their removal affords, we shall not feel the weight of the income-tax, though we may marvel to behold how, from year to year, it goes on increasing in its productiveness.

Again, one obvious consequence of the remission of the tax on income, and the substitution in its room of a tax on realised property, would be that the amount of realised property in this country would diminish from day to day. Who would keep his capital locked up in the funds in order that a percentage from it might be applied to the uses of the state, while all who chose to embark theirs in speculation or trade were excepted from the impost? Land, to be sure, must remain; and if you think it just to tax land, and not to tax the profits of cotton-mills and Chinese adventures, the land must pay. But the price of stocks will very soon tumble down under such a system to the lowest figure, inasmuch as every holder that can, will realise his property, and, should things come to the worst, purchase with it Pennsylvanian bonds; that is, supposing the drab men to have the effiontery to bring any more of their waste-paper into the money-market. The obvious consequence of a tax on realised property, to the exemption of mere income, from whatever source derived, would therefore be extreme confusion in the money-market, and an cager rushing by all classes into trade, out of which would come national disgrace and universal beggary.

It appears, then, to us that, having fairly changed his system, having seen the exact point beyond which indirect taxation could not be carried, having had the boldness to avow this, and to shape his plans accordingly, Sir Robert Peel has entered upon the one course which held out a prospect of permanent security to the throne and to the great institutions of the country. For his in

come-tax

more

sure to become more and productive, in proportion as the trade and commerce of the empire

Öne argument more there is in favour of the new system, which has probably occurred, ere we particularise it, to most of our readers. There is no kind of tax so easy of collection--so little expensive to the state-so little dangerous to public morals, as an income-tax. Falling as it does upon persons in a certain station of life, you have a right to assume that they will make, for the most part, an honest declaration of their means, and pay without or not, perhaps, without reluctance, but certainly without equivocation, as the seasons of payment come round.

Α

We

body of collectors, comparatively
small in point of numbers, will get
the whole in; and a moderate per-
centage on the sums collected will
repay them for their trouble. Where-
as customs and excise not only re-
quire whole armies of officers to do
their bidding, but are the fruitful
sources of dishonesty, sometimes of
violence, in many quarters.
cannot hope that the day will ever
arrive, when we shall be able to pay
the public creditor, and defray the
ordinary expenses of the state, with-
out both customs and excise. But
the less we depend upon them for
the realisation of the revenue the
better it will be for the moral as
well as the physical well-being of the
masses, who, being less able to resist
superiors,
temptation than their
ought, by a wise government, to be
more guarded from its influence.

If we have succeeded in making

our meaning plain, the readers of REGINA will understand that, in our humble opinion, the whole framework of society in this country is in a state of transition. The changes proposed seem, moreover, to be good in many respects; and the manner in which they are conducted is both considerate and wise. We shall have no revolution; no more nonsense about People's Charters, Parliamentary Reform, Repeal of the Union, and suchlike; but a gradual though

steady settling down of old Tory opinions and prejudices, and a thorough alteration in matters, both civil and ecclesiastical, which, twenty years ago, were supposed to be immovable as the hills. We are content to abide the issue; and, though somewhat dizzy, as we have more than once taken occasion to observe, full of hope that we shall yet reach the plain, without any damage to our horses, or ourselves, or even hurt to the carriage.

LETTER FROM JOHN BELL, ESQ. TO OLIVER YORKE.

1 Malbro' Terrace, Victoria Road, Kensington.

SIR,-In the article on Sculpture this month in Fraser's Magazine, I see it stated, page 171, that my statue of the "Eagle Slayer," exhibited last year in Westminster Hall, is identical with one exhibited in the National Gallery in the year 1837. Not doubting your desire to rectify any inaccuracy of statement, I beg to inform you that they are not the same, neither can one be said to be merely a copy of the other. The model exhibited in 1837 was but an ignorant and crude sketch; although on a large scale for a sketch, it contained simply the first idea. Such as it was, however, it remained since that time in a corner of my study. On the plan for public competition being put forth by the royal commission of the fine arts, it occurred to me that being a representation of archery, the idea worked out would not be inappropriate in a competition of subjects connected with English history. Having accordingly determined on executing it, I applied myself to studying the subject. I made a small study from nature of the whole figure. I had hands and feet, &c. cast for it from nature; I introduced drapery (of which there is none in the sketch of 1837), and altered materially the line and composition of the figure, especially of the lower limbs. I also determined on quite a different style of form, the one of 1844 being much more muscular than the former one of 1837. Having fixed on these alterations, and having throughout studied the subject anew, I commenced about Christmas, 1843, the modelling of the statue exhibited last year, on a much larger scale than the former sketch, alluded to in your article.

I can give proof of these facts by those who are aware of them, and saw my last statue in all stages of its progress. I leave to you whether, under these circumstances, the statue exhibited last year can be said to be the same as that exhibited before.

If it meet your views, you will do me a considerable service by inserting this letter in your next Number. I doubt not that you will feel it but justice, as you must be aware that the statement in your article on Sculpture is calculated to do me a serious injury, representing, as it does, that I sent in for competition last year (as the best work that I could do at that time) & model made seven years before.

I have the honour to be, sir,
Your obedient Servant,
JOHN BELL

February 17, 1845.

London:-Moyes and Barclay, Castle Street, Leicester Square.

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ELOQUENCE, in this empire, is power. Give a man nerve, a presence, sway over language, and, above all, enthusiasm, or intellectual skill to simulate it; start him in the public arena with these requisites; and, ere many years, perhaps many months, have passed, you will either see him in high station, or in a fair way of rising to it. Party politics, social grievances, humanity-mongering, and the like, are to him so many newdiscovered worlds wherein he may, with the orator's sword- his tongue -carve out his fortune and his fame. Station-the prior possession, by rank or wealth, of the public ear-is, no doubt, a great advantage. It is much for a man to be asked as a favour to speak to a cause, for that his rank and name

will influence the people; or to have secured to him by his birth a seat in the senate these things, doubtless, give one man a start before another in the race. But, without the gift of eloquence, all these special favours of Fortune are of no avail in securing you influence over your countrymen. Unless you have the art of clothing diction, of identifying yourself with your ideas in clear and captivating the feelings of your hearers, and uttering them in language more forcible, or terse, or brilliant, than they can themselves command; or unless you have the power-still more rare

irresistible magic of sympathy,-of making their thoughts your thoughts, or your thoughts theirs; unless you make you the possessor of this lyre, nehave stumbled on the shell that shall ver hope to rule your fellow-men in these modern days. Write books rather; be a patient and admiring listener; make other men puppets if you can, and hold the strings; but rest content with a private station, and make it as influential as you may. Publicly and ostensibly powerful you never will be, unless you have mastered the art of oratory.

fluence of this talking power in the

We are so accustomed to the in

state, that we have ceased to wonder at its successes. Yet the triumphs of the tongue have in our own days alEngland is generally accounted an most equalled those of the sword. aristocratic country, and her aristocracy have the credit (undeservedly, perhaps,) of being peculiarly tenacious of their privileges,-jealous of the intrusion of adventurers into their ranks. The career of one man amongst our contemporaries, however, tency as great as parchment pedihas shewn that eloquence has a po

grees; that the owner of that talisman may storm the very stronghold rank, titles, dignities, and turn their of the exclusives; appropriate their

power against themselves; while, by the agency of their own legalised

-of originating,-of commanding formularies, he sways the supreme, their intellects, their hearts,- of

drawing them in your train by the ing from the comparative obscurity

and even rules the rulers. Emerg

VOL. XXXI. NO. CLXXXIV.

C C

of a provincial capital, as an advocate, he talks himself into the distinction of being talked about; thence he talks himself into the popular branch of the legislature, where again he talks to such purpose as to become the mouthpiece of the most exclusive section of an exclusive aristocracy arrived at this point, he reappears on his old scene of action, and talks to the people with the new sanctions and powers which his parliamentary talking has obtained for him; he talks at meetings, he talks at dinners, he talks at mechanics' institutes; he talks to the men of the south, he talks to the men of the north; he talks to every one of every thing, till the whole land is filled with the echo of his voice,- till, with all England, nay, with all the world, for his listeners, men wonder where next he will find an audience; when, lo! suddenly, incompréhensibly, as if by magical power, at a few more waggings of that ever-vibrating organ of his, the doors of the senate itself fly open, and peers of ancient lineage crowd down to welcome him to this sanctuary of noble blood, to usher him up even to the judgmentseat itself, to make him lord paramount over themselves and their proceedings, the licenser of their thoughts, and the originator of their laws! Could the greatest triumphs in arms achieve much more? The hero who has served and saved his

country in the field secures a higher and more lasting fame, and a reward in the gratitude of his countrymen ; but in all the external and ostensible marks of honour, such as constituted authorities can bestow, the heaped titles of the victorious warrior exceed the simple nobility of the successful orator only in degree; while the influence of the one culminates where that of the other declineswith the ascendancy of peace.

But if we look to Lord Brougham as the great and glaring instance of the success that may be achieved by the aid of oratory-if we select him because he is, and has been throughout his active career, the type of the talking power, the great master of that art which the vulgar will still persist in calling the "gift of the gab," let us not, therefore, overlook the innumerable minor instances which go to prove the vast influence

Even

exercised over modern society by those who have acquired the habit of addressing with confidence and skill assembled numbers of their fellowcountrymen. The events of every day go to increase their numbers and their influence. That the peohas ple are the source of all power long been a maxim of a large and growing political sect. The domestic history of the last fifteen years goes far to elevate it to the dignity of an admitted truth. The "pressure from without" is now looked to as the ready solution of all political difficulties and dilemmas. Never, even in the days of the Commonwealth, were appeals to the popular will made so systematically as now; never was it more the fashion to look to the constituencies of the country, rather than to the legislature, for the agencies which are necessary to work out political changes. "The Agitator" was at one time a term of reproach applied to a particular individual. Now, there are so many agitators, that all opprobrium is removed from the epithet. those who coined it are themselves among the foremost in the race for popular favour; and no better means can be found to oppose the efforts of the popular or democratic party than counter appeals to the people by those who formerly scouted their interference. The highest and gravest in the land are not exempt from the same prevailing necessity. For every plebeian demagogue you will find a match in some aristocratic tribune; for every open conspiracy against the laws or the constitution you will find an equally open combination in their favour. Anti-CornLaw Leagues, and Agricultural Protection Societies; Exeter Hall enthusiasts, and Crown and Anchor brawlers; holders of "monster meetings," and Protestant Operative As sociations; ministerial speeches at anniversary dinners, and Chartist harangues to the dregs of the popu lace: each and all, though opposed as the poles in the principles they propound and the objects they sel to attain, agree, with a marvellous unanimity only paralleled by the instinct of self-preservation, in submitting their cause to the suffrage of the people, and in seeking to impart into the discussions of the legislature

an influence in their favour derived from public opinion out of doors. The whole empire is from time to time under the influence of public speakers. Look at Ireland. At any given time, one man, with a halfdozen or so of his satellites, can, within a week, so influence the willing and infatuated people, that they adopt his views and objects, and become imbued with his opinions, even although the solemn annunciation of to-day may be a contradiction of the declarations of years. Scotland has not yet recovered from a convulsion which shook society to its foundations, produced by the eloquence of a few determined men. And, in England, the subject which, during the last year or so, has most agitated the public mind, assumes its present shape solely through the indomitable energy of one man,-a man not bred to oratory, yet who has learnt, from contact with the masses, the art of appealing to their passions, and making their prejudices subservient

the accomplishment of his darling projects. O'Connell, Candlish, Cobden,-each is powerful in his own sphere; each has worked, or is working, great changes for evil or for good. To what do they owe their power? To their eloquence.

may, by the effect of enthusiasm communicated through the press, affect the opinions and votes of the legislators of the country. Again, of late years a practice has grown up of endeavouring to force great political changes, against the avowed determination of the legislature, against even the fundamental laws of the constitution, by appeals from the privileged and representative bodies, not to the constituent body merely, but, beyond them, to the masses of the people, whether taking part in elections or not. This is a practice altogether different from the constitutional form of holding legally convened meetings for the purpose of petitioning. These popular assemblies do not profess to express the wishes or the opinions of the people, but their absolute will. Where they are successful, they invariably resort to the system of pledges from representatives, and end by degrading the House of Commons from the high position of a deliberative assembly to that of a mere monster deputation of delegates. The eloquent, enthusiastic, and impassioned opponents of slavery, blinded by the holiness of their cause to the evil effect of their courses, first introduced this baneful practice, which has since been perpetuated, for very different objects, by the Irish Catholic leaders, and by the Anti-Corn-Law League.

petitioning.

It is, of course, needless to ascribe this influence of public speakers to the popular constitution of the country. Although the privilege of voting for members of parliament is, comparatively speaking, confined, the influence of public opinion on those who enjoy that privilege is illimitable. Although at any given public meeting there may be a very small minority of registered electors present, the excited feelings of the nonelectors communicate themselves to the privileged few; and thus a public opinion is created and propagated. The deliberations of parliament, particularly in the lower house, are insensibly affected by similar causes. Although the then members may have been elected but a few months, and may reasonably look forward to a tenure of a few years, yet the fear of a dissolution, and a desire to stand well with future constituencies, will operate on them, so that the proceedings of a very numerous public meeting, even though composed for the most part of non-electors,

What a field, and what a temptation, does this state of things open to public speakers! The germs of great events, the first motive-springs of change, have their origin, no doubt, in the closet, in the minds of men of deep thought and extensive observation, who are not, perhaps, actually engaged in the arena. But the people are the great lever by which the movement is carried out. Therefore, the people must be acted upon; therefore there must be orators to act upon the people, to imbue them with the ideas of the men of the closet. The same necessity which calls up the men has also taught them the art by which they act. The public mind is not always to be influenced by straightforward appeals to the point, or explanations of the desired object. Prejudices have to be worked upon, or, as the case may be, avoided. A very roundabout, or a very tortuous, course

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