However indifferent the House of Commons might have felt to the liberties of the people, it ventured to resist the crown, for once, when its own prerogatives were at stake. During these miserable times, a very few great men had arisen, who either in action or by their writings endeavoured to rescue Ireland from degradation. Molyneux, the friend of Locke, a man worthy of such a friend, published his "Case of Ireland," and received, as the best tribute to his patriotism, the censure of that English House of Commons which had recommended to the throne the annihilation of Irish manufacturing industry. The pamphlet of Molyneux was voted "of dangerous consequence to the crown and people of England;" an address was actually carried to the foot of the throne on this subject in 1698*, to which King William returned an acquiescing reply. Swift, in a subsequent reign, rose powerfully above the times in which he lived, and the public men with whom he was fated to contend. After having given an unexampled strength and union to the country in which he resided, and after having deserved and enjoyed the most unbounded popularity, it has been reserved for the ingenuity of modern times to deny his title to public esteem. It would be vain to describe him as an amiable man; but it is unjust to deny his having been a most useful one. He might not, perhaps, have deserved the affection of the private circle in which he moved, but his courage and public spirit must for ever entitle him to the gratitude of the country he served. Berkeley, the excellent Bishop of Cloyne, was another individual to whom Ireland owes much. In the midst of his sceptical metaphysics, the miseries of Ireland seem to have been among the few subjects of meditation, which left no doubts on his mind; though, even on this point, his very valuable information is given in the characteristic form of queries to be answered, and problems to be solved. We now proceed to the late reign; one of greater liberality than any which had preceded it. As Ireland grew into strength, the Government of England became more conciliatory. A septennial bill had, by insuring a general election once in seven years, established a stronger tie between the constituents and the legislative bodies; wealth augmented, and the seeds of agricultural and commercial prosperity seemed at length to vegetate. A new prin ciple of action became necessary, and during the weakness of England in the American war, the principle infused into the constitution of Ireland was liberty. A scene was exhibited of the most interesting kind. A nation cast upon its own resources, called upon for the first time to defend itself against foreign_aggression, rose in arms, and obtained security from without and freedom at Parliamentary History, 1698. home. home. The volunteers of Ireland are even more meritorious for what they declined doing, than for what they actually effected; exhibiting a rare combination of chivalrous public spirit, and of consummate political wisdom. This union of energy and of prudence may be traced to the influence of those excellent men, who directed the councils of the people of Ireland. Much is owing, it is true, to the good sense of the English ministry, which gave way when resistance would have been unavailing. Something is also attributable to those less tangible causes generally termed good fortune. Looking back to the proceedings of the volunteers, it is impossible not to rejoice that they occurred at the very time when alone they were likely to be successful. At an earlier period, public feeling would scarcely have been sufficiently vigorous to give them strength; in later times, Government would have been so powerful, as to have made them feel their weakness. The delegates at Dungannon would have been dispersed by proclamation, and all the thunders of the Attorney General would have been directed against Lord Charlemont and Mr. Grattan. This era is the date of the constitution of Ireland. Her years of glory were few, but they were brilliant. Her revolution-for it was a revolution-was bloodless. It was unstained by crime and unsullied by violence. There was no vindictive feeling; no insolent triumph. It was a pure and honourable victory, proving to the world that the voice of the people may be heard, and the power of the people felt, without leading to the subversion of law, or the destruction of property. A master spirit had presided over the change; a great and patriotic mind had given and directed the national impulse. All that was most noble and generous animated the Irish patriot of that day. He devoted his life to what appeared the forlorn hope of giving freedom to his country; he gave her a constitution, and identified 'all that is worthy to be had in honour among men with the name of Grattan. It is to be lamented, from the fatality which has pervaded all Irish history, degrading her politics as provincial, that these events, so instructive to future ages, should not be more constantly present to the minds of the statesman and the philosopher. The talents of Mr. Grattan, in the imperial legislature, have indeed shed a lustre round his name, and the sweet and gentle virtues of his private life must ever live in the memories of those who shared his social hours; but the pre-eminent glories of his youth, those deeds which ought to place him in the same class with Washington,-have not yet received their full tribute of admiration. England had now a glorious opportunity of repairing the wrongs and contributing to the happiness of Ireland.-She might have "allured to brighter worlds and led the way."-Two courses were open open before her that which the patriot might have trod, the government of opinion;-or the government of influence, the vulgar and crooked path of ordinary statesmen; of those "sly slow things with circumspective eyes." The constitution of Ireland was in its youth, almost in its infancy; every thing depended upon first impressions, and the formation of early habits. Turned to good, what might not the people of Ireland have become? The encouragement of high and chivalrous principles of patriotism, in the upper classes; the removal of causes of irritation, among the lower; the protection of agriculture and commerce; and, above all, the diffusion of instruction, virtue, and happiness; these would have presented objects worthy of the ambition of the most elastic and buoyant spirit. The opportunity was lost, the old principles were resorted to, and it was found easier to govern Ireland by its vices than by its virtues. During one administration, the example of the court tended to lower national manners, and national morals, by introducing the careless profligacy of France amongst the gay, social, and imitative people of Ireland. During the government of a succeeding viceroy, an undisguised and detestable corruption degraded the character of the legislature, and diminished all confidence in public men. The vilest bargains and sales were effected; and the secret history of this administration would be ludicrous, if it were not base and despicable in its nature, and calamitous in its consequences. The most lavish extension of honours, the most unbounded waste of money, were resorted to; and even when a popular measure, like the pension bill*, was adopted by the Government, it furnished new evidence of their total want of all decency and principle. For one short moment, a gleam of light was allowed to break in; but it was transient, and the individual who would have given an example to the people of Ireland in "teaching them how to live" was removed from that situation which he was qualified to dignify and adorn. Under the influence of such a system of government, the higher classes were as much injured by the corruption of modern times, as the peasantry had been by the severities of Elizabeth and Cromwell. The ties which bind society together were relaxed. The pedestal of the column had already been undermined: its fair proportions had been destroyed; the beauty of its capital was now de The object of this bill was to limit, under certain circumstances, the grants of pensions to 1200l. per annum. The commencement of the act being unfortunately fixed from the 25th March in the following year, pensions were granted during the intermediate months exceeding 12,000l., being equal to ten years anticipation of the powers of the crown. faced. faced. Government became a mean and vulgar art, polities a sordid traffic; and nothing was left to the people but to despise and suffer. Matters could not rest here. A Government without confidence, and a people without happiness, must be inevitably thrown into violent collision. The resources of influence were exhausted; corruption itself had become bankrupt, and all faith and hope had disappeared. The rebellion of 1798 ensued, the necessary consequence of the events we have narrated. On its horrors it is not expedient to dwell; mutual exasperation led to mutual excesses, and the greater part of Ireland presented a scene of bloodshed, crime, and devastation. If, however, we might be allowed to express an opinion, we should venture to doubt the accuracy of many of the violent charges brought against the Government of the day. That acts of unjustifiable severity were committed, is we fear undeniable; but we cannot believe that such acts were encouraged or sanctioned by any members of the Irish administration.. The rebellion led almost necessarily to the union; and, as compared with the pre-existing state of things, the union was a benefit; a benefit it is true of no unmixed kind; but a benefit greater than any that could have been secured, except through the means of such an extensive and efficient reform as it was scarcely safe at that moment to attempt, and which the country scarcely possessed means for carrying into effect. How the union was carried is another consideration. In point of fact, the means then used completed the demoralization of the ordinary race of Irish politicians, and destroyed what little remained of confidence in public men. Thus was the independence of Ireland surrendered; thus terminated her separate political existence; thus were abandoned those trophies which Grattan had nobly won. A new era of conciliation and liberality was promised: emancipation to the Catholic; to the agriculturist a modification of his severest burthens; encouragement to the merchant; and to all peace and security. How far these promises have been fulfilled, is shown by the present state of Ireland. In one respect the promised advantages of the union have, it is true, been fully realized. The commerce of Ireland, freed from impolitic restraints, has augmented most rapidly. The imports of Ireland, which in the three years preceding the union had averaged 4,600,000l., in fifteen years subsequent to that event had more than doubled. The exports within the same period had risen in the proportion of five to three,-exceeding fourteen millions and a half in 1815. Here we apprehend our favourable view of the state of Ireland must close: we proceed to the less agreeable task of pointing out the dark and unflattering parts of the picture. On the great question relating to the Roman Catholics of Ire land land we shall not enlarge. That subject has been so powerfully argued, both in and out of parliament, that there are but few persons who are not fully aware of the merits of the case: it is, however, worthy of observation, that whilst many opponents to the claims of the Catholics have abandoned their first impressions, to support the measures they originally resisted, we are not aware that a single example can be cited of a contrary description; it is also remarkable, that among the friends of catholic emancipation, is to be found a great majority of those most closely connected with Ireland, whilst the greater number of its opponents, have about as clear an idea of an Irish Catholic as they have formed of the mammoth or the megatherion. Examples might also be shown of many who before they visited Ireland were disposed to resist every species of concession, but who after a residence in that country, where they made their own observations, and judged for themselves, have acknowledged a complete revolution in their opinion. What ever doubts may exist on this great question of national policy, (doubts we rejoice to think every day disappearing,) it is clear, that a state of alternate hope and disappointment is calculated to prolong the agitation of the public mind in Ireland. "Hope deferred maketh the heart sick;" and, during the last twenty years, the hopes of the Catholics of Ireland seem to have been raised only to be disappointed. The opening of the Imperial parliament took place on the 22d January, 1801, and the first measure relating to Ireland discussed in the House of Commons, was, by a most ominous fatality, the Irish martial law bill;-a bill, justifiable only upon grounds of imperative necessity, and urgent danger: since that period, the discussions on Irish affairs have been confined, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, to questions of strong and coercive legislation; martial law, suspension of the habeas corpus, insurrection acts, and bills for the preservation of the peace. These and questions of finance have constituted very nearly the sum total of measures carried through the Imperial parliament for the benefit of Ireland. How far have these measures been successful? Have insurrections been checked? Has the peace been preserved? Is the internal state of Ireland improved, and has the security of property and the happiness of the people augmented in proportion with these severe enactments? In the first years which succeeded the union the effects of the rebellion were still considered operative. In the 1803, an actual insurrection broke out; the capital was attacked, and a general confederation was found to prevail against the existing Government. About this period, the chancellor of Ireland stated * Lord Clare's Speech, March 23, 1801.-Parliamentary History. year that |