sense-renderings Luke xix. 34, xxi. 38. In Luke xiv. 33 we have a needless amplification: So let each of you think who wishes to be my disciple, for if he shall,' &c.; in Luke xxiii. 21 the words, 'and release unto us Barabbas' are added. It is not clear how the Greek allowed of the translations 'ye devour widows' houses on account of your long prayers" (Matt. xxiii. 14); 'So that nothing on earth can become so white' (Mark ix. 2); 'for fear which shall come upon the earth' (Luke xxi. 26); 'took a reed from his hand' (Matt. xxvii. 30). The renderings of Matt. xxiii. 34, 'behold I the wisdom of God send to you,' and Luke xxii. 37, 'I shall be reckoned with the transgressors,' are also noticeable. Luke iv. 27 Naaman is called 'the Nabatean,' and in John v. 2 the pool is referred to as 'a place prepared for baptism' (so far agreeing with the Peshitto) called in the Hebrew Betharrahmat (Peshitto Bethchesda). The last three instances we give as puzzles to the Arabic, Syriac, or Greek scholar, for they must represent a corruption in one of these languages. The Latin version of the Arabic runs in Luke xxi. 35, ipsa enim tanquam ictus (Greek, wayís) percutiet omnes; in Matt. xxiii. 24, ornantes (Greek, KaTaTivoνTES) camelum; in Matt. xxiv. 8 initium inundationum (Greek, wdivwv). How did these curious renderings find a place? There are, no doubt, many other points to attract the textual critic, but it is hoped that those that have been given may direct attention to the interest, if not the importance, of the study of Tatian's Diatessaron, in the form in which it is now available. For this purpose of course the full text, as contained in Ciasca's edition, will be necessary. But really more important is the other use which can be made of Tatian's Diatessaron as a harmony of the Gospels, the first of the numerous similar compilations of the whole or parts of the Gospel narrative used by the various Syrian Churches.' It is important for us, because, even if it be true that 'neither in the harmony itself nor in the supposed commentary of Ephraem Syrus is the name of any of the Evangelists mentioned, and much less is there any information given as to their personality, character, or trustworthiness,' ' yet still we have in the transmitted work evidence which can hardly be disputed of the use of our four Canonical Gospels (and probably of no other authorities), and that at a time when to 1 See Martin, l. c., who has gone at length into the different kinds of (or collections of fragments) in use by the Syrian Church. 2 Author of Supernatural Religion-reply to Dr. Lightfoot's Collected Essays.

2

have found the names of the Evangelists would have been almost proof that the compilation was of later date than Tatian. The discovery and publication of this work may therefore be regarded as one of the most important among the many additions that have been made to our knowledge of early Christian literature; and the hope may be expressed that in some of those Eastern monasteries and libraries, from which we have in recent years derived so much, we may yet find the Diatessaron of Tatian in its original language.2

ART. V.-GASPARD DE COLIGNY.

1. Les Luttes Religieuses en France au Seizième Siècle. Par le VICOMTE DE MEAUX. (Paris, 1879.)

2. La Réforme et la Politique Française en Europe jusqu'à la Paix de Westphalie. Par le même. (Paris, 1889.)

3. L'Amiral de Coligny et les Guerres de Religion au Seizième Siècle. Par C. BUET. (Paris, 1884.)

DURING the early stages of the Reformation in France the French Protestants had no fixed body of doctrine, no name, no ecclesiastical organization. Their scattered congregations were without union or cohesion. In the world of thought Calvin's logical genius gave them a community of religious ideas, a name, and a constitution. Twenty-five years after the publication of the Institution Chrétienne (1535) Coligny organized them as a political power and disciplined them as a military force. In the active life of French Protestantism he was from 1560 to 1572 the soul of the Reformed movement. He lived in an atmosphere of passion and prejudice. Yet, though scarcely a lovable man, he passed through life not only respected but trusted both by friends and foes. St.Simon, Bossuet, Voltaire, unite in praise of his character. St.-Simon says that Henry IV. was

3

'the pupil of the wisest and most honest man of his age, Gaspard

1 The names of the Evangelists from whom the different parts are taken are found in the Arabic MSS., but are often wrongly given, and are clearly glosses of some scribe, which had no place in Tatian's work as originally compiled.

2 The writer of this article had hoped that the catalogue (in Armenian) of the library at Etchmiadzin recently made accessible might have contained something of interest in this respect, but he is assured by an Armenian scholar that there is nothing.

3 Parallèle des trois premiers Rois Bourbons.

VOL. XXXI. NO. LXIL

BB

de Coligny, the greatest captain of his generation, superior to all his contemporaries in turning defeat to his own advantage and in reviving the spirit of his followers after the heaviest reverses; the man who was best able to hold his party together and to secure it against every element of division; the most disinterested and prudent of chiefs, the beloved and respected leader of the party of which he was ever the soul and the strength; the one man who knew how to command the aid of foreigners and the esteem of opponents, the man who was most highly valued and admired for his virtues. Happy prince to have been trained under the most prudent of captains, the wisest and worthiest man of his time.'

Bossuet1 says that 'every attempt to decry the Admiral only made his memory more illustrious.' Voltaire 2 celebrates his death in lines which are inscribed in the chapel where his remains at length found a rest :

3

'Ce héros malheureux sans armes et sans défense,
Voyant qu'il faut périr, et périr sans vengeance,
Voulut mourir du moins comme il avait vécu,
Avec toute sa gloire et toute sa vertu.'

The public life of Coligny conveniently falls into three periods (1) his youth (1517-1542), coinciding with the rise of French Protestantism under Francis I., by whose policy the new movement was alternately encouraged, ignored, and persecuted; (2) his military career against the foreign enemies of France (1542-1559), coinciding with the expansion of Calvinism and the' Age of the Martyrs' under Henry II.; (3) his career as the political and military leader of the Huguenots (1559-1572), coinciding with the period of armed resistance, the first three religious wars, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew. To the history of the Protestant Reformation in France and in Europe generally the Vicomte de Meaux has devoted his considerable literary talents. He writes avowedly from the Roman Catholic standpoint. But his tone is uniformly moderate, and his criticisms are at once acute and impartial. No coreligionist of Coligny could desire more generous treatment for the career of his hero than it receives from the Vicomte de Meaux.

The family of Coligny derives its name from the ancient town of Coligny, which stands on a slope of a well-wooded hill at the foot of the Jura mountains, on the boundary of Bresse and Franche-Comté. Its members were originally subjects of the dukes of Savoy and not of the kings of France. It was not till 1437, that William II., Seigneur de 2 Henriade.

1

Abrégé d'Histoire de France, liv. xvii.

3

Lenoir, Musée des Monuments Français, tome iv. p. 20.

Coligny, married Catharine Lourdin de Saligny, widow of Jean II. Lourdin de Saligny, and daughter and sole heiress of Jeanne Braque, Dame de Châtillon-sur-Loing. Their eldest son, Jean III., Seigneur de Coligny, Andelot, and Châtillon, was the first of the family who fixed his residence in France. He fought for Louis XI. against Charles the Bold, and left two sons, Jacques II. and Gaspard I. Jacques II. was killed by the side of Bayard at the siege of Ravenna in 1512, and Gaspard I. inherited Châtillon. He married Louise de Montmorency, the sister of the Constable. He fought at Fornovo (1495), Agnadello (1509), and Marignan (1515), and was made Marshal of France in 1516. He died in 1522 at Dax, on his way to relieve Fontarabia. He was, says Brantôme, a man du conseil duquel le roi s'est fort servi tant qu'il a vescu, comme il avait raison, car il avait bone teste et bon bras.' He left behind him three sons-Odet de Châtillon, Cardinal Archbishop of Toulouse and Bishop of Beauvais ; Gaspard II., born in 1517, Comte de Coligny, known in his youth as Monsieur de Fromente, a castle now in ruins some four leagues from Bourg-en-Bresse; and François d'Andelot. The three boys were brought up by their mother, Louise de Montmorency.1 Louise was twice married. By her first husband, the Comte de Mailly, she had a daughter, Madeleine, afterwards Madame de Roye and mother-in-law of Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Condé. Louise de Montmorency was a firm, proud, austere, morally courageous woman. She was 'the very exquisite and venerable lady in whom all virtues met in emulation of each other,' to whom Marguerite de Valois owed her education. She taught her sons to be gentlemen after her own ideal, true in word and deed, just, but also stern, to dependents, ready to accept the responsibilities of their position. She died in 1547, refusing the aid of a priest.3 Her daughter Madeleine was avowedly a Protestant, and the tutor she provided for her son Gaspard was Nicolas Bérault, the friend of Louis de Berquin, the courteous host of Erasmus, the teacher of Dolet. It is said that Coligny's tutor was singularly slow Eugène Bersier, Etudes sur le Seizième Siècle: Coligny avant les Guerres de Religion, 2me édition. Paris, 1884. 8vo. This work has been translated into English-Coligny: the Earlier Life of the Great Huguenot Leader. Translated by A. H. Holmden. London, 1884. 8vo.

1

2

2 Génin, Notice sur Marguerite d'Angoulême,' Lettres Inédites de Marguerite d Angoulême, tome i.

3 La Vie de Messire de Coligny. Par J. Hotman, Seigneur de Villiers. 1643. 4to.

Nicolaus Beroaldus, quo præceptore, annos natus sedecim, rhetorica Lutetiæ didici' (Comm. Linguæ Latinæ. Lugduni, 1536-8, tom. i. col. 1157).

of speech, and that his governor, Prunelay, usually had his toothpick in his mouth. Coligny imitated both. 'Beware of the Constable's paternosters,' said the Protestants. 'Beware of the Admiral's toothpick,' retorted the Catholics.

In 1539, Louise de Montmorency became governess to Jeanne d'Albret, the daughter of Marguerite of Angoulême. Her eldest son, Odet de Châtillon, had already embraced the ecclesiastical profession, and Gaspard had become the head of the family. His mother's position brought him to Paris. There he formed a romantic attachment with François de Guise. The two young men played together in masquerades, wore each other's colours, jousted in tournaments on the same side. Both of them,' says Brantôme, 'were young madcaps, excelling all others in their extravagant follies.' But he adds that Coligny was the more learned of the two, understanding and speaking Latin well, and always reading when not engaged in affairs.

The family of Guise' was now at the height of its power. Claude, the first Duc de Guise, married Antoinette de Bourbon, by whom he had twelve children. The eldest, Marie, married first the Duc de Longueville, and secondly James V. of Scotland. Her daughter Mary became wife of Francis II., King of France. Claude died in 1550. Of his six sons François, the second Duc de Guise, was the eldest. The rival of Coligny, the defender of Metz (1552), the victor of Renty (1554), the captor of Calais (1558) was born in 1519. He was thus two years younger than Coligny. The Guises possessed all the qualities of which popular favourites are made. Rich, gallant, generous, eloquent, affable, they were so dignified in bearing that it was said 'les autres princes paraissaient peuple auprès d'eux.' ‘La main Lorraine' passed into a proverb for liberality. A blind beggar at Rome, who received alms from the Cardinal of Lorraine, exclaimed, 'You are either Jesus Christ or the Cardinal of Lorraine.' All the dazzling qualities of his family met in the great Duc de Guise. He was not the ignorant soldier who could mistake the printed Bible brought to him at Vassy, as Protestant prejudice has depicted him, but he was well read in the Latin historians, and especially in Tacitus. Splendid in expenditure, delighting in display, apparently frank and careless in speech, mirthful in manner, broad-shouldered, and magnificent in appearance, he was the ideal beau sabreur, the very man to become the idol of Paris.

1 See H. Forneron's Les Ducs de Guise et leur Epoque. Paris, 1877. 8vo.