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they had little solicitude: the better interests of the country would be meanwhile destroyed by a ruinous and wasteful continuation of a warfare, which was not decided by soldiers on the field, but by the rival plunderings, burnings, and devastations of those vast mobs, which, under the name of armies, acted the part of locusts. This hapless condition of the country was daily becoming more apparent, and its real consequences more clearly visible: the marquess of Ormonde, whose strong zeal, and firm will had throughout endeavoured to stem the rush of coming ruin, at last retired from a post which he had to the last moment of possibility held with strong fidelity; and the most devoted sacrifice of self. The parliament now sent over their commissioners to conduct the war. Of their power to crush rebellion, and restore the country to the repose which was become necessary to its existence, there could be no doubt although to those who were most fully aware of the spirit in which they acted, it was perhaps known that they were in no hurry to effect such an object, nor likely to take any very effectual step until they should first have obtained the completion of their ends at home.

By lord Broghill, still a very young man, and not versed in the secret of their policy, it was naturally expected that as they had shown some desire to assume the control of the war in Ireland, that they would act with their known resource and vigour to reduce the country to quiet. Accordingly, lord Broghill, as weli as many other of the royalist lords, acted for some time under the parliamentary commanders.

On the trial and execution of king Charles, the zealous loyalty of lord Broghill was too violently shocked to admit of compromise with his murderers, on any ground of expediency. He left the service, and abandoning the country, retired to Marston, his seat in Somersetshire, where he remained in quiet, and free from all public concerns, for some time.

At last, like every active-minded man, he grew weary of repose: he had also frequently reflected upon the heavy loss of his Irish estate; and probably, though with less reason, thought the time arrived when some effort in favour of the young king might be attended with success. By whatever motives he was actuated, he came to the decided resolution to see the king himself, and to obtain his commission to raise forces in Ireland in his behalf; and, as his biographer adds, recover his own estate." With this intent he raised as large a sum of money as he could command, and applied to the earl of Warwick, whose interest stood high, to obtain for him a passport to Spa, as he wished to go abroad for the benefit of his health.

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Full of this intention, he went down to make the preparations necessary for his voyage; but he had not been many days there when he was somewhat startled by a visit from a strange gentleman who came from Cromwell, to say that he wished to visit lord Broghill, and desired to know when it would be most convenient to his lordship to receive him. Lord Broghill, in great surprise, at first expressed his opinion that there must be some mistake, as he was quite unknown to the lordgeneral, and had not for a long time been engaged in any public concern. Upon being convinced however that there could be no mistake, he returned a message that he would himself attend the general whenever he should desire. The gentleman retired, and lord Broghill was

left alone to consider what course would be most prudent to adopt— whether to await a further communication from a person whose acts were known to be so prompt and decided, or in the interval to proceed while yet free upon his way. He was not however allowed to decide for himself. He was yet wrapped in the perplexity of his situation, when his meditations were once more interrupted by the sudden entry of Cromwell. The lord-general then informed him, that “the committee of state were apprized of his design of going over and applying to Charles Stewart for a commission to raise forces in Ireland: and that they were determined to make an example of him, if he himself had not diverted them from that resolution."* Lord Broghill was endeavouring to evade the necessity of admitting the accusation, and trying to impose on the general by protestations of a very general nature, when Cromwell drew from his pocket a parcel of papers, which he silently put into his hand: on looking at these lord Broghill was astonished to perceive that they were copies of his own letters to different persons to whom he had confided his purpose. On this, lord Broghill saw that it was useless any longer to persist in the attempt to baffle the general, and confessed the whole, thanking Cromwell for his protection. Cromwell assured him that though, till then, unacquainted with him personally, he was no stranger to the high reputation he had earned in the Irish wars; and that as he was himself now appointed by the parliament to command in Ireland, he had obtained leave from the committee to offer his lordship the command of a general, if he would serve in that war; “and that he should have no oaths or engagements imposed upon him, nor be obliged to draw his sword against any but Irish rebels.”† An instant's consideration was perhaps enough to show lord Broghill that nothing could be more favourable to his own interest; nor, considering the actual state of affairs, could there be a more useful or honourable direction given to his activity and talent. Yet the sense of party feeling was to be overcome, and lord Broghill asked for time. Cromwell told him that he must decide at the moment, as the committee, which was yet sitting, awaited his return, and on hearing of lord Broghill's hesitation, would instantly commit him to the Tower. Lord Broghill then gave way, and assured Cromwell that he would faithfully serve him against the Irish rebels. He was then desired to proceed to Bristol, and there await the troops which should follow, with transports sufficient to convey them across the channel. Cromwell assured him further, that he would himself speedily follow.

Lord Broghill followed these directions, and every thing having been quickly provided, according to Cromwell's promise, he was soon once more in Ireland. Here his reputation was high, and he was quickly enabled to add materially to the few soldiers he had brought over: a troop of cavalry, entirely composed of gentlemen, and fifteen hundred well appointed infantry, enabled him to present a formidable appearance; till on the 15th August, 1649, Cromwell landed in Wexford, with an army of eight thousand foot and four thousand cavalry, two hundred thousand pounds in money, and an abundant store of all

Budgel's Memoirs of the Boyle Family.

VOL. III.

F

+ Budgell.

military materials; and thus commenced the last scene of this deep drama of blood.

The landing of Cromwell put an end to all hopes on the part of those who separated from the rebels as from the parliamentarians, had till then hoped, by winning over some of the more moderate, and availing themselves of that general desire for peace which was begin, ning to pervade the better classes, to be enabled to gain a party in favour of the king. By the appearance of Cromwell's army, such hopes were soon banished from the land with those who held them. The earl of Ormonde, still resolving to hold on to the last extremity, but having no resources left from the wreck of many brave and devoted efforts, now rested his last hope in the endeavour to protract matters for a time in order to give discipline and confidence to his handful of men; he was not also without a hope that the strong parties, not more hostile to his cause than they were to each other, might in some degree balance and check others in the field, when a single blow might place no small advantage in his power. He justly considered that Drogheda would be likely to be the first object of Cromwell's attention, and dently took measures to have it put in a defensible condition with the utmost haste. He committed it to Sir Arthur Aston, a most experienced and gallant officer, with two thousand foot, and three hundred horse, all chosen men: he also supplied him with such provisions and ammunition as he desired. Having taken these precautions, the marquis retired to Portlester, to be in readiness for the event. It was generally expected that Drogheda would make a long and vigorous defence; and in the mean time lord Inchiquin was sent for to come from Munster to his aid. Before the message had reached its destination, Cromwell was before the walls of Drogheda.

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This event occurred on the 3d September, 1649. He lay still before the town for a week-he had perhaps some expectation that the garrison might be terrified into a surrender; they on their part were far enough from fear, for Drogheda had hitherto baffled all attempts made during the last three years previous, and was thought by the Irish generally to be impregnable, unless by treachery or famine. On Sunday, the 9th of September, Cromwell sent in his summons, and on receiving Aston's refusal to surrender, opened his batteries upon the walls: from that moment a hot fire was kept up, till Tuesday at four in the afternoon, when a breach was made in St Mary's wall, which Cromwell judged sufficient for the purpose of an assault. His men were twice repulsed. The account which follows is in some degree hard to believe, but it stands upon authority too creditable to be rejected. In the third assault, the brave soldiers who defended the town were disheartened by the fall of their leader, colonel Wall, who was killed fighting at their head. Seeing them waver, the soldiers of Cromwell assured them of quarter, and were thus admitted without further opposition. The same delusive proceeding was adopted while a single corner was to be won, and the appearance of the most humane forbearance kept up towards all who laid down their arms. But so soon as the town was secured, Cromwell was (it is affirmed,) told by Jones that

*Carte.

the flower of the Irish army was there, upon which he immediately commanded that no quarter should be given. On this a most dreadful massacre commenced, and continued while a soldier of the garrison remained. The soldiers of Cromwell are said to have shown great and manifest reluctance to execute the barbarous command; but the rigid and immovable temper of the lord-general was not one to be turned by the relentings of the multitude. The horror of this atrocious deed was increased, and its guilt aggravated, by the murder of the gallant Aston, the governor, with his officers. This frightful incident is described by the marquess of Ormonde, in a letter to the king, in which he writes, that "On this occasion Cromwell exceeded himself, and any thing he had ever heard of in breach of faith and bloody inhumanity; the cruelties exercised there for five days after the town was taken, would make as many several pictures of inhumanity as are to be found in the book of Martyrs, or in the relation of Amboyna." Nothing can justify the deed here related, but some reasonable deductions may be made on the consideration of time and place: at the time, Ireland had been, for an interval of eight years, the scene of every atrocious crime by which human history has ever been disgraced-the ordinary social state had become one of lawless and indiscriminate war, depredation, robbery, and murder, on every scale, and on every pretence; and though to a person, during that period, intimately conversant with the country, and versed in the complex relations of its party oppositions and affinities, it might have been possible to make just distinctions, and ascertain the precise limits of right and wrong; it is well known how in the neighbouring country report confuses and exaggerates: how misrepresentations on either side, meeting with indifferent ears, combine and blacken all with mutual accusations; and while it is easy and not unpleasant to those who are at a safe distance to believe the worst, the pleas of justice or of excuse are mostly too local, personal, or limited, in character, to find their way, or to win the indolent attention of those not personally interested. In England, the acts and sufferings of Ireland were heard as the uproar of a barbarous island drunk with an inappeasable mania of murderous frenzy: and the vague horror of such an impression was heightened by the prejudices of political and religious animosity. Cromwell was too sagacious to be altogether deluded by the impression of popular ignorance, but it coloured his thoughts, and gave a direction to his policy, as regarded the affairs of a country to which but little of his mind had ever been given. It was his interest, no less than the task he had undertaken, to quell without delay the pertinacious and clinging element of destruction which must have seemed inextinguishably mixed with the very life-blood of the people. And as he perhaps was impressed with the sense, that languid operations and campaigns without result had been the main cause in protracting the state of war, in which the impunity of resistance had encouraged the aggregation of mob armies, and the reorganization of the defeated-he was not without some reason convinced of the necessity of proceeding by terror. To carry on a protracted war with the hosts of half-armed creaghts, who would scatter and reappear like mists,

* Carte.

while his resources were consuming, and flux and fever wasting away his force, were little consistent either with the probable pacification of Ireland, or his own ambitious projects. And though the course he took was an outrage upon humanity, it was not only effectual, but it may be doubted whether less rough means could have settled a country so thoroughly disorganized. The real effect of this cruel butchery upon the public mind was different from that which it would now produce on a humane age-the congenial spirit of O'Neile was rather impressed with the vigour and skill of the storm than by the atrocity of the succeeding day's work-he is represented to have sworn, "that if Cromwell had taken Drogheda by storm, if he should storm hell he would take that too!" Čarte observes, that "this was certainly an execrable policy of the regicide, but it had the effect he proposed. It spread abroad the terror of his name- -it cut off the best body of Irish troops, and disheartened the rest to such a degree that it was a greater loss in itself, and much more fatal in its consequences than the rout at Rathmines." To the same rough dealing Cromwell was not long after mainly indebted for his unimpeded march to Dublin, when obstacles sufficient to waste many months, and attended with numberless risks, were removed by the voluntary surrender of the towns and garrisons in his way. We must now return to lord Broghill. After Cromwell had proceeded south and obtained quiet possession of Cork, Kinsale, Bandon and Youghall, he sat down before Clonmel. Here Hugh O'Neile had collected 1200 chosen Ulster men, and as lord Fermoy was also known to have sent a large army of several thousand men to relieve this city, Cromwell detached lord Broghill to intercept them. Lord Broghill marched in quest of this enemy, and soon encountering a body of between four and five thousand men, he gave them a complete rout. The battle was hardly over when an express from Cromwell brought the information that he was in a most miserable condition before Clonmel, where his army was sinking under the bloody flux, and had in their exhausted condition met two severe repulses from the brave garrison. He therefore was enjoined to lose not a moment, but to lead his men to assist the lord-general in this pressing strait. Lord Broghill sent back word "that by the blessing of God he had just defeated the enemy, and would not fail to be with him in three days." He kept his word, and was received with acclamations by the besieging army; Cromwell embraced him and congratulated him upon his victory. With this reinforcement the siege was pressed on with fresh alacrity and the town was soon compelled to surrender. The garrison had been secretly withdrawn by O'Neile on the failure of provisions, and the citizens were allowed to surrender upon honourable terms.

Some time previous to the termination of the siege, which had lasted for two months, Cromwell had been recalled by the parliament, as the want of his presence was felt elsewhere. On the capitulation, he took his departure leaving Ireton as his deputy, and lord Broghill in command of a "flying camp in Munster." In this command the distinction he soon acquired was so great, and such was the general influence gained with all parties by his good sense, moderation and popular manners, that it soon became suspected that Ireton was either

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