notices of party movements and combinations, from which so much must be traced or rightly understood. These necessary additions which must have extended our introductory remarks to an exclusive volume, we have endeavoured to make in due season and with separate fulness, by distributing them among our notices of the more important and weighty of the persons connected with them.

The author of a pleasing and popular work on the principal incidents of our history, has somewhere described this rebellion as a great and fearful tragedy in three acts. The comparison is valuable for its perfect truth. The arrival of Owen O'Neile is coincident with the second long act of this terrible drama; at the rising of the curtain he stands before the scene. We shall avail ourselves of the interval to place the reader in possession of the immediate state of all the greater parties whose conduct or condition mainly influenced a revolution of events; in which the changes, were so various and the influences at work so little combined and so opposite, that every year seems to open a history of its own, and to unfold a state of affairs so altered in character as seemingly to diminish the historical importance of that preceding, were it not that lessons of the deepest interest are to be drawn from the whole. There never was a rebellion in which the hopes of the insurgent parties appear so strongly grounded in favouring circumstances, or their errors so palliated by strong seemings of justifying pretext. At no time does history offer an instance of Irish insurrection so imposing by the weight of its leading men, the justice of their discontents, their seeming strength, or more than all by the weakness and errors of their opponents. The Irish administration was without energy, authority, wisdom, or resource: it was wholly inadequate to the occasion, timid, self-interested, feeble and stained with numerous imputations, of which many were too true not to give a colour to all: the nobility and gentry whose interests lay in the preservation of peace and social order, were forced into the rebel councils either from the want of defence or the fear of injustice: the foreign rivals and enemies of England, watching over the progress of the strife and waiting the favourable moment to throw their sword and gold into the scale: but more than all together, for all this were nothing, England divided against herself and incapable of that effectual interposition, which alone could overrule the tumultuary outbreaks of Irish insurrection. For a time the question of rebellion became doubtful; for not only was there no power to quell its brawling, murdering, and plundering factions, but the claim of allegiance and the authority of laws and institutions, appeared to be lost. The social convention which imposes a due subordination on the better sense of mankind, was broken up in the conflict between the fundamental authorities; and it soon became a question easier to ask than answer, which was the government, and which the object of allegiance the parliament or the king; and how far a people who had their own peculiar interests, and who under existing circumstances could be assisted or controlled by neither, were at liberty to take their own part. We do not, it is true, believe that external accidents, such as we have stated here, can alter the true moral character of the intents, or of the agencies at work in that disjointed period. We do not think the justification of the rebel parties which we are to trace through

their several courses, at all commensurate with the excuses thus afforded by after events. But it is to our more decided purpose to observe that by the vast and general confusion of rights and authorities, to which we have adverted, the rebels gained a great accession of strength. Many in whom it was virtue, honour, and loyalty, to be faithful to king Charles, were led to connect his cause with the prosperity of rebellion; and many, on the other hand, whose aims were inconsistent with the royal cause, found support in the adoption of the specious pretext of loyalty. Thus throughout this lengthened interval, the fate of all the brawling commotions which harassed the country was prolonged into a lingering existence, by the state of affairs in England. Agitated to the centre by her own troubles, England was not in a condition to detach any effectual force on either side; and the insurgent parties were thus left to brawl and battle as they might, among themselves. As every reflecting reader will anticipate, various designs occupied the leading spirits of disorganization, and they soon began to neutralize each other, with contending passions and opposed ambition. And this was the second act of the drama. Then last came, as usual, the event of popular revolutions and tragedies; the gathering retribution of eight long years of crime and infatuation, was poured out upon this most hopeless country; and the last act is closed with more than poetical justice, by the crushing and indiscriminate hand of Cromwell and his iron associates. Such is the outline of the remainder of this volume.

The events from which we are now to start are of a character to demand, as we have apprized the reader, considerable detail. The rebellion was about to subside, from the experience which was beginning to be felt of the utter inefficiency of the troops which its leaders could bring into the field: they were discovering that their undisciplined and tumultuary mobs, were more fit for the work of massacre and plunder than to face an enemy in the field; and the defeats they had sustained from Stewart, Ormonde, Coote, and other government leaders with comparatively small forces, had so discouraged Sir Phelim O'Neile and his confederates, that they had begun to prepare for their escape from the country; when other concurrent causes long in preparation, arrested their meditated desertion and gave new animation to the contest. Leland mentions the arrival of Owen O'Neile, as the main incident which renewed the subsiding zeal of the rebels; and undoubtedly from his arrival in the moment of deepest distress, when the chiefs were on the point of flight, they must have derived new energy and hope. But from our perusal of many of Leland's authorities and even from himself, we are inclined to date this renovation from a few months earlier; when the certainty of his coming and the accession of foreign supplies must have been foreknown. Owen O'Neile landed in July; early in March the Irish prelates, who had with little exception hitherto held back from any countenance of the rebels, came forward with open declarations in their favour. As Carte, quoting a letter of Sir C. Coote, observes "the Romish clergy who (as the lords-justices say) had hitherto walked somewhat invisibly in all these works of darkness,

Carte, I. p. 316.

now began openly to justify that rebellion, which they were before supposed underhand to promote." That the Roman catholic prelates must have desired the success of this rebellion, may be regarded as a matter of course; and, considering their peculiar position and class of duties, it is less an imputation to this body to make this affirmation, than it is their just praise to have withheld their personal sanction from the revolting and mischievous atrocity by which it had been characterized. And if it be just to suspect that they had entertained the favourable sentiment assumed, it is certainly due to fairness to observe, that there should be strong circumstantial ground for accusing them of the infamous participation supposed in Sir C. Coote's letter. It cannot for a moment be believed, that a body of men so intelligent, whose main occupation was the administration of the interests of the Christian religion, under any form, could allow themselves to imagine a cause which they deemed sacred, to be connected with the fiendlike atrocities and the superstitious blasphemies of a deluded peasantry; whose conduct, injurious most of all to the religion whose name their ignorance abused, is rather to be attributed to their utter ignorance than to their creed. Of this there are indeed too many, and too obvious proofs. The prelates, unquestionably desirous for the advancement of their church to the ascendancy which they deemed to belong to her by right, would have considered such an event as a full compensation for the horrors of such a rebellion; if we were to assent to their principle, we should easily arrive at the same inference. And when they saw the turn which events were likely to take, and were encouraged in their consistent duty, by the assurance of large succours from abroad, they necessarily stepped forward to extract what they considered to be good from that which they knew to be evil. The best that can be said is to be found in the consideration, that with some exceptions the Roman catholic clergy, had strenuously resisted the crimes of their deluded congregations; and the conduct of one of the body may be mentioned, as indicative at least that their convention in Kilkenny was no long concerted movement, but a change of purpose on the demand of occasion. The titular bishop of Meath had throughout, from the beginning, exerted himself strenuously and efficaciously in opposition to the rebellion, which he declared to be groundless and unjust; and by his remonstrances prevailed with many noblemen and gentry of that diocese to be still. same resistance which he offered to the rebels, he afterwards offered to the prelates. And this it may be supposed was not permitted without censure. The rebels complained aloud: and the synod of Kells, commanded the dissentient prelate who refused to attend their meeting, to retract on pain of having a complaint made to the pope.

The

It was probably at the synod of Kells called by Hugh O'Neile titular of Armagh, that the general synod of the Irish prelates at Kilkenny was projected and resolved. At this latter on the 10th May, 1642, the titular archbishops of Armagh, Cashel, and Tuam, with six other bishops, the proxies of five more, with other dignitaries of the church of Rome, assembled and declared the war just and lawful.* To avoid the risk

* Carte.

of misstating or omitting any of the more peculiar and distinguishing resolutions of this meeting, we shall here offer a few extracts from its own acts; important as best manifesting the feelings and the political character of Ireland, in the time of which we write. As they would occupy many pages if given in extenso, we select all that is in any way to our purpose; as stated in

"Acts agreed upon, ordained and concluded in the general congregation held at Kilkenny, the 10th, 11th and 13th days of May, 1642, by those prelates whose names are subscribed, the proctors of such other prelates as then were absent being present, together with the superiors of the regulars, and many other dignitaries and learned men, as well in divine, as in common law, with divers pastors and others of the catholick clergy of all Ireland, whose names are likewise hereafter set down. "1st. Whereas the war which now in Ireland the catholieks do maintain against sectaries, and chiefly against puritans, for the defence of the catholick religion, for the maintenance of the prerogative and the royal rights of our gracious king Charles, for our gracious queen so unworthily abused by the puritans, for the honour, safety and health of their royal issue, for to avert and refrain the injuries done unto them, for the conversion of the just, and lawful safeguard, liberties and rights of Ireland; and lastly, for the defence of their own lives, fortunes, lands and possessions: whereas I said this war is by the catholicks undertaken for the foresaid causes against unlawful usurpers, oppressors and their enemies, chiefly puritans; and that hereof we are informed as well by divers and true remonstrances of divers provinces, counties and noblemen, as also by the unanimous consent and agreement of almost the whole kingdom in this war and union: We therefore declare that war openly catholick, to be lawful and just, in which war if some of the catholicks be found to proceed out of some particular and unjust title, covetousness, cruelty, revenge or hatred, or any such unlawful private intentions, we declare them therein grievously to sin, and therefore worthy to be punished, and refrained with ecclesiastical censures, if, advised thereof, they do not amend.

"2d. Whereas the adversaries do spread divers rumours, do write divers letters, and under the king's name do print proclamations, which are not the king's, by which means divers plots and dangers may ensue unto our nation; we therefore, to stop the way of untruth and forgeries of the political adversaries, do will and command, that no such rumours, letters, or proclamations, may have place or belief, until it be known in a national council whether they truly proceed from the king, left to his own freedom, and until agents of this kingdom hereafter to be appointed by the national council, have free passage to his majesty, whereby the kingdom may be certainly informed of his majesty's intention and will.

"3d. Whereas no family, city, commonwealth, much less kingdom, may stand without union and concord, without which this kingdom for the present standeth in most danger, we think it therefore necessary that all Irish peers, magistrates, noblemen, cities, and pro

vinces, may be tied together with the holy bond of union and concord, and that they frame an oath of union and agreement which they shall devoutly, and christianly take, and faithfully observe. And for the conservation and exercise of this union, we have thought fit to ordain the ensuing points.

"4th. We straightly command all our inferiors, as well churchmen as laymen, to make no distinction at all between the old and ancient Irish, and no alienation, comparison, or difference, between provinces, cities, towns or families; and lastly, not to begin, or forward any emulations, or comparisons whatsoever.

"5th. That in every province of Ireland there be a council made up both of clergy and nobility, in which council shall be so many persons at least as are counties in the province; and out of every city or notable town two persons.

"6th. Let one general council of the whole kingdom be made, both of the clergy, nobility, cities, and notable towns; in which council there shall be three out of every province, and out of every city one, or where cities are not, out of the chiefest towns. To this council the provincial councils shall have subordination; and from thence to it may be appealed, until this national council have opportunity to sit together. Again if any thing of great importance do occur, or be conceived in one province, which by a negative vote is rejected in the council of one province, let it be sent to the councils of other provinces; except it be such a matter as cannot be delayed, and which doth not pertain to the weal-publick of the other provinces.

"7th. Embassage sent from one province to foreign nations shall be held as made from the rest of the provinces, and the fruit or benefit thereof shall be imparted and divided between the provinces and cities which have more need thereof, chiefly such helps and fruits as proceed from the bountiful liberality of foreign princes, states, prelates, or others whatsoever; provided always that the charge and damage be proportionably recompensed.

9th. Let a faithful inventory be made in every province of the murthers, burnings, and other cruelties which are permitted by the puritan enemies, with a quotation of the place, day, cause, manner, and persons, and other circumstances, subscribed by one of publick authority.

"17th. Whereas diverse persons do diversely carry themselves towards this cause; some with helps and supplies do assist the adversaries; others with victuals and arms; others with their advice and authority, supporting as it were the contrary cause; some also as neuters behaving themselves; and others, lastly, neglecting their oath, do forsake the catholick union and cause; we do therefore declare and judge all and every such as do forsake this union, do fight for our enemies, accompany them in their war, defend or in any other way assist them, as giving them weapons, victuals, council or favour, to be excommunicated, and by these presents do excommunicate them; provided that this present decree shall be first published in every diocese respectively, and having received admonition beforehand, which shall supply the treble admonition otherwise requisite, and we do hereby declare, so it be made in the place where it may easily come to the