tion and for a time regard it as the panacea for all their evils.

The voice of the sage, however powerful, fell at first on deaf ears. Priest-ridden as they were, the Musalmans could not understand his aims. He had come from the Devil to lead them astray. But Syed Ahmed kept on his way. Vilified and persecuted to the extreme, he clung to his idea. In conjunction with his son Mr. Justice Mahmud, he laid out, as early as 1873 at Benares, a scheme for founding a University for Musalmans of India. An ambitious scheme indeed! The utmost he could do was to start a small school at Aligarh in 1875. The transparent sincerity of his purpose won him over a noble band of workers. It was still an insignificant band and strange enough they aimed at raising their small institution to the status of a University. To us, looking from this distance of time, it seems really amusing that these men, hemmed in as they were on all sides by ignorance and downright opposition, should have dared to entertain such an idea. That Aligarh should one day surpass Cordova and Bagdad, Oxford and Cambridge in learning and reputation, was the vainest of vain dreams. Yet we see them unblushingly tell Lord Lytton when he laid the foundation-stone of the M. A. O. College in 1877, that they hoped their little College "may expand into a University, whose sons shallgo forth throughout the length and breadth of the land to preach the Gospel of free enquiry, of largehearted toleration, and of a pure morality." That these aims should have been partly realised in their own life-time, argues the strong grasp they had of the mind and capacity of their community.

With aims such as these they set to work out their scheme by developing the M. A. O. College in all directions possible. The sympathetic attitude of the Government was exercised on its behalf. Slowly, step by step, the entire community began to take a deep interest in the welfare of the institution. The advent of efficient workers into the College, the genuine and active interest certain Indian Viceroys and LieutenantGovernors of United Provinces took in the institution, the spread of enlightened ideas. through the works of powerful writers and the Urdu Press, and the healthy influence of the alumni of the Aligarh College throughout India, and, above all, the educative propaganda of the All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference, all tended to enhance the prestige and usefulness of the Aligarh College.

During all these years the ultimate aim was

heavy

not lost sight of. But in 1897 a calamity befell the College calculated to damp Sir Syed's enthusiasm to toil and work for the realisation of his dream His head clerk had embezzled more than a lakh and a quarter of the College funds, the saving of Sir Syed's life-time. It was a death-blow to the venerable old man. Still he would not lose heart. He was hastening to the grave, but he would not give up his dream. He could say to Lord Elgin who visited the College in this year of misfortune: "The College has during 22 years of its existence made much greater progress in numbers, in buildings and in reputation than we ventured to hope. It is still, however, very far from the attainment of the ultimate end we have set before us, and of which we cannot hope to live to see the foundation in India, viz., of a University for the Muhammadans of India similar to the great English Universities of Oxford and Cambridge."

Sir Syed passed away with his dream unrealised. It was an irreparable loss to the community. Nevertheless it was a blessing in disguise. His death was as potent of fruitful results as his life itself. The absence of the inspirer and guide was keenly felt by those who had toiled and wrought with him. Even those who had stood aloof during his life-time joined in the universal mourning over his tragic departure. They wanted to cherish his memory in a befitting manner, and what better way there was to do it, than by carrying out the work which was SO near and dear to his heart, to a successful conclusion. His comrades therefore took up the work entrusted to them by the master. Mohsin-ulMulk and Beck threw their heart and soul into the re-financing of the college and working for the University. The Sir Syed Memorial Fund was started and the College again was placed in a solvent condition. The Muhammadan Educational Conference put fresh energy into its activities and incessantly placed, year after before year, the community the ideal of the Muslim University. Though much educative work was done thereby and though the College was improved in various directions, no serious attempt was however made to collect funds exclusively for the purpose of providing Aligarh with a University.

It was in the year 1910, that a great impetus was given to the University Movement. The King Emperor was coming to India for the Coronation ceremony. The leaders of Muslim public opinion at the time found it a fine opportunity to appeal to the community for funds. A well-conducted

organisation was set on foot. Great expectations were held before the people. The Viceroy blessed the movement. A constitution committee was busily engaged in drafting the scheme. Large sums were promised. Exultant over what was thus achieved, and in joyful hope of receiving a charter at the hands of their King, the Musalmans were eagerly looking forward to the Royal visit.

The King came and went back and the Musalmans could not yet formally approach the Government for the necessary sanction. They were still collecting the funds and drafting the constitution. At least 30 lakhs should be actual

ly realised before they could finally ask

Government in the

matter, wrote Sir Harcourt Butler to the Rajah of Mahumudabad, and the draft constitution would be subject to any alterations the Secretary of State might choose to make. The work was therefore pushed through and the University Association was finally in a position to submit the draft constitution to the Secretary of State.

The community was anxiously awaiting the Secretary of State's reply. The reply came but it did not bring with it a University of the kind they were dreaming of for years together. Certain modifications were, of course expected, but not of a nature to upset the whole spirit of the constitution presented for approval. That was what the leaders of the community felt at the time. The constitution was drafted by the best experts available. In carrying out their work they had an eye on the peculiar position of the M. A. O. College, on the All-India colour that was given to the University Movement and on the religious needs of the community. They had aimed at furthering the kind of work the M. A. O. College was already engaged in, by making it a centre of enlightened learning and true Islamic culture for All-India, free from too much of outside interference. The Secretary of State's decision was considered by responsible Muslim leaders as very disappointing. Nawab Vikar-ul-Mulk lodged a vigorous protest against it and said: "It was no exaggeration to say that their interest have been absolutely disregarded." For want of space it is. not possible to discuss the reply of the Secretary of State in detail. But the main features could be well touched here.

The sentiment of the community had suggested that the name of the University should be the "Muslim University, Aligarh." The Secretary of State wanted to delete the word "Muslim." The community wanted to have for the Univer

sity the power to affiliate Colleges outside Aligarh, conducted on the residential lines of the M. A.0. College. The Secretary of State would not allow that. The community wanted the Viceroy to be the Chancellor of the University. The Secretary of State would not allow this also, but would like to transfer the powers of the Chanceller to the Gover nor-General in Council. The Secretary of State reserved his discretion as to the constitution of the University in all details, and particularly to the distribution of powers among the component bodies of the University. These and other points in the Secretary of State's decision did not appeal to the community, and since the decision was considered to be final, they were not certain as to what step they should take next. The Balkan War and the subsequent political shufflings in Europe, and later on the present war, seemed to shelve the question of the University for an indefinite time.

Meanwhile the Hindu University Movement took a prominent shape. The organizers of the Movement rushed the whole scheme through, with a remarkable haste and vigilance. The Musalmans were mere lookers-on. They were perhaps watching its progress to find out what turn it would take. It took many turns, of course, but when it reached the final stage and the Hindu University Act was passed under the spell of the Viceroy, the Musalmans seemed to cry out in anguish that the Hindus had played them out. They said: What was this University that had given almost absolute powers to an anomalous personage, the Visitor, Lieutenant Governor, who could make and unmake things, as be pleased! What was this dual authority of the Visitor and the Government of India which would wield its ominous powers in emergent cases? Accept this principle and you cast away the practical independence of the M. A. O. College to the winds and pave the way for greater external interference. Was the Aligarh College to pay over 60 lakhs of its College funds merely to be initiated into the mysteries of impotence without any consoling compensation of the power of affiliation and the surety of making religious education compulsory? Such were the questions the Musalmans began to put to themselves. The old dream of Cordova and Oxford still haunted them. They perhaps forgot that Cordova had long disappeared as a pageant from this earth and it was a long way off to Oxford. Still they persisted in the belief that it was not necessary that the Musalmans also should be meted out the

same treatment as their Hindu fellow-country

men.

But the memorable letter of Sir H. Butler to the Rajah Saheb of Mahmudabad set at naught all these expectations. The meeting of 10th November 1915, at Aligarh, soon followed. Muslim India was sharply divided on this question. It was argued that the question should be postponed till after the war was closed. The Government might then be in a mood to understand their point of view. Better conditions would perhaps be offered to them. The meeting ended in a fiasco and the question was referred to the Foundation Committee. The All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference assembled soon after at Poona. A Deputation was appointed to meet the Education Member and discuss what the principles of the Hindu University Act in reality were: Whether the case of Muslim University could not be argued from a different point of view. But the Educa

tion Member would not listen. The same old oracular formula was repeated. It was a little curt reply for a perplexed community. What was to be done, was the question. Rumours were in the air that the University Fund would be demanded back by Indian Princes and other donors. H. H. The Aga Khan had stopped payment of his usual allowance to the M. A. O. College. The Government was displeased at the stiffnecked policy of the Musalmans. The Aligarh College had fallen down in their estimation. Its influence was waning even among the Musalmans themselves. Muslim institutions were being created in different parts that the community might depend the less on that College in future. It was also feared that the College would not be raised to the position of a University.

All these were a source of alarm, and the leaders of the community began to take a sober view of the question. "The die-hards" too saw the expediency of aecepting the inevitable. They began to console themselves with the idea that 66 a noseless uncle was better than no uncle." There was the unpleasant Visitor, it was true; but he would not do anything in violation of the spirit of the University Act and Regulations. Public opinion might wield a potent check on a Visitor's propensities. The Government of India reserved many powers; but at the beginning of every great undertaking this was but necessary. Aligarh would lose much of its powers but it would get a University instead. The conduct of education was in their hands, and even if the Regulations did not compel every student to

undergo religious training, the religious teachers and professors were their own men and they would do the needful. As regards affiliation, what mattered if the University was not allowed jurisdiction over Colleges outside Aligarh? Was the community so very confident to have successfully a vigilant eye on the conduct of Muslim education all over India at the present stage of her existence? Why should the University start life under the burden of too many responsibilities? Would it not be enough if they had, as the Hindus strongly hoped to get, the power of affiliating outside schools to start with. Let the Musalmans begin the work in right earnest, and if they were not found wanting, surely the Government would see its way to extend to them greater privileges. That was how everything worth the name had been achieved. Nothing was made in a day. Long and patient toil was to precede the attainment of every lasting success in this world.

This was the mood that governed the majority of those present at the Foundation Committee meeting held at Lucknow on the 10th April 1916. After a prolonged and heated discussion, the Committee resolved to accept the principles of the Hindu University Act. It was well for the community that they did so. But I fear the stamp of half-belief and reluctant reconciliation seems to be marked over the decision arrived at. The deep-seated conviction in the minds of the Musalmans that they had special needs of their own, not easily understood by others, seems to have played its part. The resolution of the Lucknow meeting is characterised by various reservations. They would accept the principles of the Hindu University Act "provided, however, that in framing the regulations, the Government has due regard to the peculiar position the Aligarh College occupies in the scheme of the Muslim University, and that the said regulations framed according to the Act should be placed before the members of the Constitution Committee for their approval, but if not accepted by it by a majority of 2/3 votes, the said regulations should be placed before the Foundation Committee and provided also that powers are given to the Muslim University of recognising schools outside Aligarh similar to those exercised by the Government Universities."

It is hoped that the Government will realise the honesty of purpose lying behind this decision, and without much waste of time see eye to eye with the Musalmans and accede to their prayers.

OW that Portugal has joined the Allies as one of the combatants in the war it will be useful, according to the plan hitherto followed in these columns, to measure her resources in men and materials. Portugal, though a small State like Belgium or Serbia or Montenegro, is no negligible factor in the European conflict.

It has an area of 35,500 square miles with a population of about 6 millions, and the Portuguese colonies all over the world comprise a total area of 804,841 square miles with a population estimated at 9,675,000. The Azores and Madeira form an integral part of the kingdoms. Portugal is a great manufacturing and commercial country specially noted for its rich red wine, shipped from Oporto and so popularly known as "Port." Besides, her vegetable and universal products and her extensive manufactures necessitate the upkeep of a great commercial marine. In 1912, 11,134 vessels of 23,196,767 tons entered the ports of the Republic. For some years however the national income has been considerably less than the expenditure which accounts for the increase of Portugal's national debt.

ARMIES AND NAVIES.

Portugal has a very historic tradition for chivalry and adventure. Since the Middle Ages Portugal's power on land and sea, and her place among the civilizers of the world, have been undisputed. The gratitude of Europe for the achievements of Vasco da Gama should be un

bounded. For, it was only in the wake of Portugal that other European nations began to dream of conquest and colonization.

But that is an old story which would take us far afield. At present, as in all other continental powers of Europe, service in the militia is universal and compulsory. The active army exists as a small permanent force. Men not taken for training pay a military tax. The peace footing, not including colonial garrisons, is about 32,000. The war strength is about 150,000, and it is estimated that ultimately about 140,000 more men will be available for arius. The Portuguese Navy consists of const defence ship, 4 protected cruisers, some old pattern gun-boats, 4 destroyers and 1 submarine, manned by about 4,898 sailors. A new Squadron consisting of 2 cruisers, 6 destroyers and 3 submarines was also in contemplation as early as May 1913. Here, as in some other

*ries, the pressure of finance stands in the

Portugal is a Republic since 1910. The last King was Manoel I., who came to the throne in 1908 on the assassination of his father and brother. Dr. Manoel Arriaga, the first President of the Republic, was elected on August 24th 1911. Under the Constitution of 1911, there are two legislative chambers, the National Council and the Senate. The National Council is elected by direct suffrage for three years. The Senate is elected by the Municipal Councils, half the members retiring every three years. The two Chambers united form the Congress of the Republic. The President is elected by both the Chambers for a period of four years, and is in no case eligible for re-election. The present holder of that high office is Dr. Bernardino Machado.

PORTUGUESE LOYALTY.

Through all the storms that have been blazing in Europe since August 1914, Portugal has shown singular devotion to the cause of the Allies. Soon after the declaration of war between England and Germany, the Congress at Lisbon was summoned to a special Session in order to make a pronouncement respecting the attitude of Portugal. And at that Session, points out M. Jean Fenot in the course of an article entitled" Portuguese Loyalty " in the columns of the Revue, Senhor Bernardino Machado, who was then Premier (now President of the Republic) moved that "Portugal as the Ally of England would fulfil under all circumstances her obligations as an Ally." In pursuance of this official policy numerous Portuguese volunteered in the British and allied embassies for service in the Foreign Legions. It was merely a popular enthusiasm and no action of the Republican GovernBut on October 17, 1914, the Germans invaded the Portuguese territory in Africa and attacked Nanlila in Angola and Nyassa in East Africa. These events roused the indignation of the country and expeditions were sent out to Angola and Mozambique to co-operate with the British forces against the Germans. On November 23, 1914, the Congress of the Republic enthu siastically assented to the request of Britain for the supply of munitions, arms, and horses. The Portuguese Government sent 20,000 MauserVergueiro new rifles and 12 million cartridges to

ment.