'It is a certain fact,' adds M. Villers, it 'that more crimes are committed in catholic, than in protestant, countries. The author might instance many facts, which he has collected on this subject. He will be satisfied with foreign authorities. Cit. Rebmann, president of the special tribunal of Mayenne, in his Coup-d'oeil sur l'état des quatres départemens du Rhin, says, that the number of malefactors in the catholic and protestant cantons, is in the proportion of four, if not six, to one. At Augsburg, the territory of which offers a mixture of the two religions, of nine hundred and fortysix malefactors, convicted in the course of ten years, there were only one hundred and eighty-four protestants; that is to say, less than one in five. The celebrated philanthropist, Howard, observed, that the prisons of Italy were incessantly crowded; at Venice, he has seen three or four hundred prisoners in the principal prison; at Naples, nine hundred and eighty in the succursal prison alone, called Vicaria; while he affirms, that the prisons of Berne are almost always empty; that in those of Lausanne he did not find any prisoner; and only three individuals in a state of arrest at Schaffhousen. Here are facts; I do not draw any conclusion.'

Mr. Lorimer has taken great pains to collate the amount of crime in Scotland, as compared with that in England and Ireland. After showing that a large amount of the reported crimes in Scotland are mere misdemeanors, and a large amount committed by Irish Romanists,‡‡ he gives the results as follows:§§ "To prevent Scottish christians, owing to the loose statements which have been made of the unexampled progress of crime in this country, being disheartened in their labors, I may subjoin a comparative view of thes tate of crime in England and Wales. We have seen that the commitments for crime in Scotland,

In the same years, the crime of England and Wales was,

In 1832, 20,829 persons committed.

Now it appears, from the late census, that the population of Scotland is about one sixth of that of England and Wales. Were its crime in the same proportion, the Scottish criminals should, at the respective dates, have been 3471, 3497, 4531; instead of which, they were what has been stated; in other words, Scotland had less proportional crime than England, by 1040, 575, and 659, in the years referred to; and that, though Scotland be a poorer country, and is a stranger to the English poor-law system, which by many is alleged to be a defence against crime, and though, probably, the influx of Irish is proportionately greater into Scotland than into England.

It would scarcely be fair to compare Scotland with Ireland; a protestant with a popish country. I may merely mention the numbers, without expatiating on them. For instance, in Ireland,

In 1832, there were 16,056 commitments.

Scotland is nearly one third of the population of Ireland; were her criminals proportional in numbers, they should have been 5352 and 7963, instead of 2431 and 2922. In other words, Ireland had, proportionally, for these years, 2921 and 5041 more criminals than Scotland. But perhaps the most striking fact is, that in 1837, the province of Ulster, the most protestant territory of Ireland, (still one half the population is Roman catholic,) with a population somewhat less than Scotland, had not less than 5605 criminal commitments. In the same year, Scotland had 3126 commitments for crime; in other words, proportionally, 2479 fewer criminals than the most prominent part of the sister country!

It is right, however, to state, that, while Ulster suffers in a comparison with Scotland, doubtless from its large Roman catholic population, it gains immensely, on comparison with any other part of Ireland. Thus the one county of Tipperary, in 1837, (population 402,563,) had 4239 crimes, while the whole of the ten counties of Ulster, (population 2,314,104,) had, at

ttp. 224. Note.

See his work on the office of Deacon, Edinb. 1842. pp. 122-132. Ibid. pp. 132, 133. See also his work on the Eldership, pp. 149-155. Glasg. 1841. See also Sketch of the Presb. Ch. in England, pp. 14 and 41.

the same time, as we have seen, 5605; and while in the Tipperary crimes there were one hundred and twenty-four homicides, many of those of Ulster were comparatively trifling. A few years before, too, the military expense of Ulster was only one twelfth of the general military cost; and of twentyfive regiments in Ireland, only two were stationed in that province, while its population was nearly a third of the whole population of the country.' The practical efficiency of presbyterianism in Ireland is remarkable.* 'What we give,' says the Rev. Mr. Denham of Londonderry, 'to the state in return for our endowment is that sound christian education, which secures the peace and the prosperity of the country, and secures it, too, at an expense vastly less than by any other means hitherto discovered. On examination, it will be found, that the endowment given to the presbyterian church in this country, has been, in place of expenditure, a direct and positive economy. If you take up the expense of the constabulary for the past year, you will find it small in the counties of Ulster in proportion to the number of presbyterians inhabiting those counties. Thus, for instance, in the county of Cavan, where there are few presbyterians, the cost of the constabulary to each inhabitant, is 10 1-2d., while in Down, the cost to each is only 5 1-2d. In Termanagh, where there are few presbyterians, the cost to each is 9 3-4d., while in Derry, it is not 5 1-4d. Again, comparing the cost on the whole province with that on the other provinces, it would be to each inhabitant of Ulster, 7 3-4d., and to each in the rest of the kingdom, 1s. 5 1-2d., making a saving in Ulster of a sum not less than £88,833 18s. 10d. The jail expense to each inhabitant of the rest of the kingdom, is 2 1-2. Thus saving, on the whole inhabitants of Ulster, £7138 16s. 8d., making a saving on those two items of constabulary and jails, of £95,972, 15s. 8d., being nearly three times the amount paid to all the presbyterian clergy in Ireland.

"The unfortunate persons sentenced to transportation, are sent from all the northern counties to the hulk at Kingstown, previous to embarkation. Out of 3013 who were there in the five years from 1830, only 77 were presbyterians, that is only 1 in every 39. Now each costs the government about £100, or on the whole number £301,300, so that here, by the peculiarly virtuous, and industrious, and peaceable habits of our people, there is another very large sum saved to the nation every year. Allow me here to quote a sentence from a letter transmitted by Lord Normanby, secretary to the colonies, to a commission of the church of Scotland, dated June, 1839: 'while it was recently found necessary (in New South Wales) to appoint Episcopalian and Roman Catholic chaplains for the jails and penal settlements, it was allowed on all hands, that there was no necessity for the appointment of presbyterian chaplains for these establishments, the number of criminals of this communion in the colony, being quite insignificant.' In the seven years from 1828, two hundred and fifty-six persons were hung in Ireland, while by a strict examination of all the jails in Ulster, I have discovered that in the twelve years which have now nearly elapsed since 1828, only four presbyterians were executed. It were evidently impossible to make any calculation as to what each of these unfortunate persons cost the kingdom, not merely in the retarding of improvement, and preventing the flow of capital into the country, but even in the mere expense of apprehension, imprisonment, judges, queen's counsel, attornies, executioners, &c. But the sum between the loss and the actual expense, must have been enormous. Yet in this item of expenditure, the presbyterian proportion is so small as scarcely to be named.

"Thus have I shown, by a reference to facts and figures, that if the government give the presbyterian church a small endowment, it is not necessary for her, in order to make an honest and adequate return, to barter away, or part with one fraction of the liberty wherewith Christ has made her free. She makes to the state an ample return in the form of an immense saving of the public funds secured, and of many and most valuable benefits conferred.'

We may well, therefore, conclude with Budin, the celebrated French writer, though a papist, who affirms that the commonwealth which maintains this discipline, will certainly flourish in virtue and piety.‡

*Plea for Presbytery, pp. 409, 410.

tAgain, the jail expense to each inhabitant in Ulster, is 1 3-4d.

In Milton's Prose Wks. vol. i. p. 132. On the influence of Presbyterianism among the Waldenses, see Dr. Gilly's Waldensian Researches, pp. 145, 189.

NOTES.

EPISCOPACY AND REPUBLICANISM.-Mr. Bartlett, in his Memoirs of Bishop Butler, speaking of his plan for introducing the episcopate into this country, says: (p. 123.) 'It is much to be regretted, that the deliberations of the government, upon this reasonable and important measure, should have terminated without its adoption. It is said to have been the opinion of that distinguished statesman, Mr. Pitt, that, had the church of England been efficiently established in the United States, it was highly probable, that those States would not have been separated from Great Britain.' 'We can easily believe,' adds the Churchman's Monthly Review, 'that, if this design had been carried into execution, or if the noble undertaking of Berkeley had not been arrested by Walpole, the United States might, at this day, have been a well-ordered possession of the British crown.'

On the dangerous influence of Romanism, we add the following article from the N. Y. Observer, with the remarks of Mr. Durbin :

POWER OF ROMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES.-There is a class of christians and newspapers-very good ones, too, in many respects-who treat all apprehensions of danger to our country and her institutions, from the spread of Romanism, as entirely visionary. They are so firmly persuaded that Americans can never regard the solemn follies of saintworship, the mass, absolution, &c., otherwise than as ridiculous, that they are ready to smile at the simplicity of those who look upon the growing influence of papacy as an object of dread. Others are quite panic-struck, in view of the open avowal and bold defence of some of the worst features of popery among us.

Our own view of this subject is, perhaps, equally remote from both these extremes. While we would not indulge alarm, we believe there is reason for watchfulness. What the efforts of Roman Catholics have accomplished, in modifying the public schools of New York and Philadelphia, our readers already know. They know, also, that the entering wedge of popish influence will be inserted in every seam and crevice in the foundation of that great protestant republican edifice, which our puritan ancestors reared at such vast expense of toil and suffering. The success of these efforts will be limited only by the want of ability in those who make them. It may be well, then, to inquire, what is the relative ability of Romanism in the United States?

The catholic population of this country is estimated at nearly one million, four hundred thousand, and is, therefore, about one twelfth of the numerical strength of our nation.

Unfortunately, the remaining portion is, and probably will continue to be, divided into two great parties; and these parties are so nearly balanced, that Romanism can decide any question it chooses. How this may be done, will appear from the following facts.

The population of the United States was, in 1840, about seventeen millions. In the presidential election of that year, the whole number of votes cast was two millions four hundred and two thousand five hundred and six; that is, more than every seventh inhabitant was an actual voter. If the same ratio be extended to the catholic population, it assigns to them two hundred thousand votes. What a tremendous power, if it be put forth, to decide the balanced elections of our country! The political enthusiasm which animated the successful party, in the election referred to, was great, beyond all precedent, and the majority was the largest ever known in our political history; and yet it was only about one hundred and fifty thousand. It will be seen, then, by comparing this 150,000 majority with the 200,000 votes which Catholics can cast, that Rome may hold the balance of power on any great national question, and still have 50,000 votes to spare!

And we may not flatter ourselves that any important movement takes place here, without its bearings being well considered in the Vatican. Let an emergency arise, in which his Holiness at Rome shall think it worth his while to interfere, and swift as a telegraphic dispatch an unseen signal will be made across the ocean, and repeated over our land; and all factions and subdivisions among Romanists in America will be merged, and the whole mass, under their spiritual leaders, will come up to the polls in a solid phalanx. The great party chieftains-whose trade is politics-who live and move and have their being for objects of selfish ambition-will not be slow to perceive and to conciliate this papal influence. For the sake of its vote, en masse, they will give it not at once, but little by little-the stand-points it demands; and when it gains these, then it will throw off the mask, and hold up its proud front, and ask no favors.

It is in this way that we fear Romanism will grow into a dangerous element in our republic. And the obvious defence of our country is, not in the nature of the government, the present intelligence of the people, or the patriotism of political men-but in the life and activity of our Protestant churches; in the zeal of our light-bearing institutions of benevolence the Bible, Tract, Sunday School, and Missionary Societies; in the prayers of the pious; and above all, and through all these, in the energy of that Holy Spirit, who is able to bring communities, as well as individuals, to know the truth as it is in Jesus.

REPUBLICANS BE WARNED.-Mr. Durbin, the eminent Methodist minister, now in England, writes thus to the editor of the Christian Advocate:"This question of Apostolic Succession involves much more than the conflict between the 'Established Church' and the interests of dissent in any and every form. My travels on the continent, and my observations and inquiries in England, fully satisfy me, that there is a close connection between this claim of divine exclusive apostolic succession, and the claim of monarchs to rule, jure divino, to be 'kings by the grace of God.' For, beyond all question, the principle of the hierarchy has a very warm sympathy with monarchy; and this fact has been well expressed by 'no bishop, no king.' Hierarchy and monarchy are about to make common cause in Europe, and then, if successful, the match is to be applied to the explosive elements collecting in America, in the form of foreigners, adopting our country, but retaining their European principles, and in the form of apostolical succession,' by which men propose to claim the exclusive right to administer the sacraments of the church. The principles of these two sympathetic powers are the same; the one claims to rule the church by a divine right, and the other to rule the people jure divino. They have learned wisdom by experience, and neither will claim to be supreme, but agree to be coordinate and concurrent, and to rule mankind as their common patrimony.'