to commercial equality; and what proportion of the expense of supporting the common interests Ireland would be content to bear, on being thus made a common sharer in the benefits. They were now prepared to meet parliament with the system, founded on the intelligence of the sense of the Irish legislature on the subject, and, he believed, of the Irish people. It was his wish to examine the system in two striking points of view, into which it naturally divided itself:

1st. To examine what would be the effects of the commercial arrangements suggested in the propositions on the table, on our particular commerce and manufactures; and,

2d. To examine the effects of an extension of the trade of Britain, in the return which Ireland would make towards the common expense.

He would beg the indulgence of the House while he went particularly into the consideration of these branches of the subject. The first branch, viz. the commercial arrangements again should be divided into two parts: 1st. In so far as they regarded our navigation laws, and the monopoly of our commerce with our colonies; and 2dly. In so far as they regarded the intercourse between the two countries by the equalizing of duties.

fore to be asked, whether it would be wise in this country to give to Ireland the liberty of importing, and afterwards of exporting to Britain, the produce of our colonies in Africa and America?

If we desired to give satisfaction to Ireland, and to put an end to all contention, by a system founded in equality and reciprocity, he conceived that this was a wholesome and proper measure. Every man would agree that it was desirable to give them a complete participation, if it could be done without encroaching on our navigation laws and commercial system, which were so deservedly dear to us. It should be remembered that we had already given to Ireland our intercourse with our West, India islands. In the late alteration of the system we had opened the way of Ireland to all foreign markets; and in doing that, we had conferred no favour, and made no concession. It was the natural right of Ireland, and the measure was a measure of justice, but not of grace. We, however, had gone farther than that: we had given them direct intercourse with our own colonies-with those colonies which we had acquired by our own treasure, and which we maintained by our own authority. This was liberal-it was a favour-it was certainly advisable to give this proof of our friendship; but it was given without reciprocity, without securing from Ireland any return, or receiving any proportionate aid towards the maintenance of trade or the protection of those colonies.

The question now was, therefore, whether, with so much given, and so little received, it would be wise to destroy that much by a niggard detention of the little that was left; or whether, by adding the little to the much already given, we might not secure a valuable return?

The first branch of this subject, namely, the liberty of importing the produce of all countries importable into England, directly, from henceforth, through the medium of Ireland, was likely to attract most of the attention of the House. The alarms of the people would also be excited to this measure, and excited under names which, from long habit, we were accustomed to reverence. It would be said, that this measure would be destructive of our navigation laws, the source of our maritime strength and commercial opulence. Those He knew there might be persons, who, who argued in this way merited however but with separate interests, or perhaps with little credit; for they did not seem to have personal interests, might start objections, taken much pains to make themselves ac- and find pretexts for clamour against every quainted by experience with those naviga-national object that could be embraced; tion laws. How far this new measure would depart from the spirit of those laws, would be seen from this short statement of the fact. Goods, the produce of Europe, might now be imported into Britain through Ireland, by the express authority of the Navigation Act. The new proposition applied only to Africa and America, for Asia was excluded, as the East India Company had the monopoly of the trade to that quarter of the world. It was thereT

and while ear was given to such clamour, we must remain in the same unprofitable system as heretofore. But if they wished to pay respect to the advantages of quiet and security; if they desired to have a return proportional and adequate, it was his opinion that the little which was left ought to be given for a return, in addition to the much which was given without any return at all: and happy would it be for Britain, if, by a profitable use of what little was

that it was contrary to that Act. The principle of that Act was the increase of the British shipping and seamen. Here then this principle was out of the question; for in several Acts, and in one passed so lately as 1778, Irish shipping and seamen were to be considered as British. There was not then that degree of danger in adding this to the other concessions which had been made to Ireland.

thought otherwise; there were great obstacles to the planting of any manufacture. It would require time for arts and capital, and the capital could not increase without the demand also; and in an established manufacture improvement was so rapid as to bid defiance to rivalship. In some of our manufactures, too, there were natural and insurmountable objections to their competition. In the woollens, for instance, by confining the raw material to this country, the manufacture was confined also.

One observation more on this branch, and that was, that the price of labour, proportionably lower now, was an advantage which would be constantly diminishing. As their manufactures and commerce increased, this advantage would be incessantly growing less. For these rea sons he did not think that England had any thing to fear in the proposed scheme of equalizing the duties on the admission of their mutual produce.

The other great and leading principle in this branch of the measure was the equalizing of the duties on the produce There might be some branches in which and manufactures of both countries; and Ireland might rival, and perhaps beat this he would explain very shortly. On England; but this ought not to give us most of the manufactures of Ireland prohi- pain: we must calculate from general and bitory duties were laid in Britain: 'linen, not partial views, and above all things, not however, was a liberal exception. On the look on Ireland with a jealous eye. It contrary, our manufactures had been im- required not philosophy to reconcile us ported into Ireland at low duties. It was to a competition which would give us a now the question, whether, under the ac-rich customer instead of a poor one. Her cumulation of our heavy taxes, it would prosperity would be a fresh spring to our be wise to equalize the duties, by which a trade. country, free from those duties, might be able to meet us, and to overthrow us in their, and in our own markets? Upon this he would state some general observations as shortly as possible. A country not capable of supplying herself, could hardly meet another in a foreign market. They had not admitted our commodities totally free from duties-they bore, upon an average, about ten per cent.; but it was very natural that Ireland, with an independent legislature, should now look for perfect equality. If it be true, that, with every disadvantage on our part, our manufactures were so superior that we enjoyed the market, there could be no danger in admitting the Irish articles to our makets on equal duties. What strong objectious could be started? Every inquiry had been made, and the manufacturers with whom he had conversed had not been alarmed at the prospect. On our side, on account of our heavy internal duties on some articles, port duties must be added on the equalizing principle; and he trusted that all little obstacles would be over-ruled.

It was said, that our manufactures were all loaded with heavy taxes-it was certainly true; but with that disadvantage they had always been able to triumph over the Irish in their own markets, paying the additional ten per cent. on the importation to Ireland, and all the charges. But the low price of labour was mentioned. Would that consideration enable them to undersell us? Manufacturers

Having said so much about what was to be given by England, he should pass next to the other part of his proposition, without which the former would be an improvident surrender of advantages be longing at this moment to Great Britainhe meant the return that was to be made for them by Ireland. He could not, at the outset of this business, expect that any specific sum should be proposed by the Irish parliament, towards defraying the expense of protecting the commerce of the empire; because it was impossible for them to ascertain at present, or for some time to come, the amount of the advantages that the Irish would derive from this system; on the other hand, it would have been improper not to stipulate for something. He had, therefore, thought it best for this country, that she should have some solid and substantial provision for what should be stipulated in her favour, and that should keep pace with benefits that the system would produce to the Irish; for this purpose it had been agreed, that the provisions should consist of the

should be appropriated towards the sup- | is highly important to the general interests port of the naval force of the empire, in of the empire, that the commercial intersuch a manner as the parliament of this course between Great Britain and Ireland kingdom shall direct." Now this did not shall be finally adjusted; and that Ireland plainly hold out the prospect of this sur- should be admitted to a permanent and plus being irrevocably applied to this pur- irrevocable participation of the commerpose; and as this was with him a conditio cial advantages of this country, when the sine qua non, he would not call upon the parliament of Ireland shall permanently committee to pledge itself to any thing and irrevocably secure an aid out of the on the subject, till the parliament of Ire- surplus of the hereditary revenue of that land should have re-considered the matter, kingdom, towards defraying the expense and explained it more fully. of protecting the general commerce of the empire in time of peace." He observed, that, consistently with what he had said of the necessity of a further explanation on the part of the parliament of Ireland, respecting the permanency of the aid to be given for the protection of trade in general, he could not call upon the committee to give an immediate opinion upon his proposition; he would not, therefore, press for a vote now, but, on the contrary, would move that the further consideration of the resolution should be adjourned to a future day.

Such, then, was the outline of the plan he intended to propose: the minute parts of it, would no doubt be open to full and fair investigation; and gentlemen would consequently be at liberty to call for any information that could possibly be procured. He flattered himself, that after what he had stated on different points, fears and jealousies would be laid aside. Gentlemen would see that except the mere intercourse with respect to certain articles between the two kingdoms, all the rest of the globe, not included in the East India Company's charter, was already open to Ireland; nay, that she could by law at this moment supply England circuitously through her own ports, with every sort of West India commodities; and therefore, that whatever ground there might have been a few years ago for alarm, there was little or none now, when so little remained to be done. He did not apprehend that any manufacture in this country would immediately feel any bad-consequence from the commercial extension to Ireland, or that any number of English manufacturers would be thrown upon the world for want of employment, or that they could be so soon rivalled and surpassed in any branch, as not to have time first to turn their thoughts to some other line of business; but should even an inconvenience of this kind happen in some small degree, it would be overbalanced by the good consequences that must attend the proposition he had to make: for, in the first place, it would form a final adjustment of commercial interests between the two countries; it would allay discontents in Ireland, and restore peace and harmony to the remaining branches of the empire; and secondly, if it took any thing from England in one way, it would highly benefit her in another, by providing a relief to her in the heavy expenses of protecting trade. He concluded, by moving the following resolution: "That it is the opinion of this committee, that it

Mr. Marsham expressed his satisfaction that the committee were not called upon to give an opinion that night on the resolution: it contained matter of the greatest moment to this country, and well worthy the most serious consideration of its legislature. He thought the right hon. gentleman in the right to wait for a farther explanation from Ireland: the British parliament had been in the practice these seven years past of making concessions to Ireland, and he did not think it would be liberal in the Irish pariiament to take all and give nothing. He hoped the right hon. gentleman would not bring on the business in any great hurry, that the members might have time to consult their constituents, and procure such information as might satisfy them that in giving up a share in the commercial advantages of the country to Ireland, they were not doing an essential injury to Great Britain, by ruining its manufactures.

Lord North said, he rose not to give any opinion upon the resolution: it was impossible that he could do it, because no gentleman could make up his mind to it till he had received a great deal more information, and had fully considered it in every point of view. He rose to put in his claim to deliver himself upon it hereafter, and to prevent his silence from being interpreted into a consent to any part of the resolution, or of any one idea upon which the right hơn, gentleman had