wisdom or justice beyond them, to force conviction there. By this society I was named Historiographer, and my brother, Corresponding Secretary. We had proceeded for some time in despight of the reigning terror, with effect: and never were more tragical stories wrested from oblivion.

At this time it is impossible to say to what particular degree each man in the community was tainted with rebellion. Every good man was in some degree rebellious: some more, some less; each according to the warmth of his heart, the firmness of his mind, his compassion, his honesty, perhaps his ambition or his interest. But he who felt no tendency to rebel against such crimes, had, I think, but little cause to glorify himself. It is only for him who searches all hearts, to know the pangs which a consciencious man in such a state of things must feel; particularly one whose connections, intimacies, youthful habits, and ties of blood, lie on the one side; whilst the voice of reason and humanity, and the instinctive horror of oppression and cruelty calls him to the other. How many ties must then be rent assunder! The love of country, the love of his fellow-creature, the love and the fear of his God, prompt him to rebel against crimes forbidden by the laws of God and man. The tender affections of the heart, the scruples which a humane mind must ever have to surmount before it can engage in the dreadful conflict of a civil war.

Such were the considerations which often occupied my private thoughts. I was convinced of the monstrous abuse and plunder of the Irish people, of

the misery and degradation in which they were held by inhuman policy and a barbarous code, of the insolence of their plunderers, and the corruption and cruelty of their masters. The strong remonstrances in which not only the United Irishmen, but all the unhired, and many even of the hired, had made at yarious times for there is scarcely a name of any uncorrupted individual, of the slightest degree of importance, that is not some where to be found, annexed to resolution, petition, or remonstrance, at one time or other, complaining of these evils. I therefore, however, convinced of the truths propagated by the United Irishmen, was long in acting upon that conviction. And although, for some time previous to this period, I had determined and declared, in case of civil war, that I should not turn against the people, unless the measures of government should become such, as that, without sacrificing my conscience, I could support it, and there was no longer any neutrality allowed: yet still I wished that it were possible to find some middle course by which the most good could be effected, and the most evil. prevented. I had always seen that the hard-hearted tax-masters of my country had never relented but through fear. I therefore, whenever I wrote or spoke of public matters, endeavored to state their danger, and that with the firm tone of true conviction; whilst, on the other hand, I labored to soften the too just indignation of the popular party, and often lost the popularity which courageous and upright dealing had acquired to me, by hankering after that

conciliation which bolder politicians affirmed to be impossible, and that reform which they saw more clearly, never would be conceded; and by a certain attachment to men, who have not returned that attachment as generously as they ought. Some, to use Mr. Tone's words, had long meditated upon the subject, and were convinced that separation was the only remedy., I had very lately taken any part in politics, and had yielded unwillingly, and against my interest and my prejudices, to too much conviction. I persevered, with all my might, to bring about a co-operation between the popular leaders and the parliamentary opposition, in order that unanimity of talents and influence might, if possible, prevail; and succeeded so far as to persuade the whole to make one final effort for reform through the parliament. I had drawn several of those petitions, which were presented to the king with the same intention, from towns and counties, in defiance of the insurrection act, particularly that of Downe (See Appendix No. VII.) which was passed, without any alteration, by the freeholders of that county. When I acted as chairman at the Belfast town-meeting (See Appendix No. VIII.) I did not know that the French had been invited, nor for a long time afterwards: but, as that important event seemed a fair warning to the English, who felt that they owed their danger to the weakness and vice of their government in Ireland, and their safety to the elements alone; I still hoped that something might be done through their fears, though nothing could be effected through their

justice. I know, that in this, I passed for a weak and unexperienced politician in the eyes of many : yet, had any conciliation, or any thing like redress of griefs been held out by government (for the parliament was but an instrument) it might have been possible to have obtained for Ireland solid advantages, and consequent advantage and security to England. I have high authority now to say that I was not mistaken, and that the sentiments expressed in contradiction of this opinion, were more from the certainty that their efforts would be to every good purpose unavailing, and would produce nothing but a division in the public mind.

Did I aspire to a high rank as a politician, I should not mention all these scruples which may rather class me amongst the lesser geniuses: but I write for truth, and not for vanity. I write to let my friends perceive that I never have deceived them, and to let my oppressors feel the weight of my iniquity.

Lord Moira lived at his mother's residence in Dublin. I was presented to him; and if I had received attentions from the ladies, I experienced still more flattering ones from him. He once called me into his cabinet, and after apologising by anticipation, with all that suavity and nobleness of manner which he possesses, and after I had assured him that I knew him incapable of speaking any thing that ought to offend, he proposed to me to go over and live with him in England; that he saw a storm gathering round me; that he knew how I was threatened; that whatever loss it might be, he would endeavor to counter

balance it; and that, to whatever amount I chose, he would be my banker, and make my fortune his particular care. I did not immediately recover from the emotion this proceeding excited in me, but when I did, I answered, that had this offer been made a short time before, I might perhaps have accepted of it; that I felt the value of it as much as if I had.That however agreeable such a retreat, under the auspices of his lordship might be, I could not consent to it at present, as several hundreds of my oppressed countrymen looked to me for their vindication. And having, in such a crisis, undertaken the defence of the wretched, I found it as impossible to abandon my duty to them, as it would be for his lordship to quit the field of battle in the moment of action.

About this time my brother persuaded the society to let Lord Moira have the use of some of the wellauthenticated documents we had collected; and he induced me to join him heartily and actively in seconding his views; and, before I quit this long digression, I must mention one most extraordinary occurrence, which his lordship, notwithstanding the time and the changes that have intervened, cannot have forgotten:

A man from England, who passed by various names, in his correspondence with the Castle-Bird, Smith, Johnson, &c. and who had been one of the hired denouncers in the employment of government, smote, as he alledged, by remorse and compunction, refused to follow up his work, and escaping to a place of safety, published his reasons; and in one piece