Being so honorably identified with the great bo dy of his countrymen, his next efforts were directed to the bringing about a union between the Catholics and Dissenters of the North. In this he was seconded by the enlightened of both parties, and succeeded to the extent of his wishes.

The favorite project of the Dissenters, was parliamentary reform-that of the Catholics, naturally, their own emancipation. He rallied them both upon the wicked absurdity of their past dissentions-upon the happy prospects of future union-shewing that the restoration of the Catholics to the elective franchise, was the best security for parliamentary reform; and how insignificant all reform must be, which excluded four-fifths of a nation!

In 1795, he again accompanied the Delegates with their petition on the subject of the recall of Lord Fitz-William; and, when he resigned, his office of Secretary, to retire to America, the Society voted him their thanks, with a further compliment of three hundred pounds, for services which they said—“ no consideration could over-rate, nor no remuneration overpay."

The remainder of his political life cannot be better understood, than by reading his speech to the courtmartial, met to pass judgment on his life.-(App. No, III. already referred to.) At the time he withdrew from Ireland, I was but little concerned in politics, but admired him for the brilliancy and great variety of his conversation; the gay and social cast of his disposition. I loved him more, because I thought him,

an honest man: and, although it has been his fate to suffer as a traitor, I have not changed my mind:And, after the hideous treasons we have just passed in review, it is grateful to find one treason at last founded upon principles of Christian charity, philoso phy, and reason. TONE was the founder of that union amongst "Irishmen of every religious persua-sion," first adopted in Belfast, and afterwards throughout the kingdom: and in opposition to which, the governing faction set up the principles of a plundering mob, called" peep-of-day-boys;" since called, for more distinction—“ Orangemen," and raised to such a pre-eminence, that they now govern the councils in England, and the conscience of the King, by the stile and title of "no Popery." But when upon the altar of Union and reconciliation, were offered up the lives of the most virtuous Irishmen of "all religious persuasions," and that altar was cemented with their comingled blood, there was a trophy erected to the memory of TONE, more durable than brass or marble, and which neither terror, corruption, nor time itself, can shake."*

* So true it is, that no religious party was excluded from this Union, that the established church furnished the greatest proportion of those victims with whom government broke faith, and who were secluded in the dungeons of Fort Georges and of twenty that were there, four only were Catholics so little was this rebellion a war of Popery.

1

Of my own Crimes.

HURRIED as I am, I cannot at this time give you a history of the late rebellion. The progress of the United Irishmen, you will find in the pieces of Irish history, given by those who had better means of knowing it; for I was long, very long, in taking any part, and never much in any secret.

Being of the favored cast, and far from having any personal griefs; the road to advancement on the contrary very open to me, I could have no motive but that of compassion for my country. I never was inclined to political contention; and it required strong conviction to move me to sedition. But there are moments, when to be passive, is to be criminal; as when we see a murder committed before our eyes, and do not stretch our hand. The griefs of Irishmen, are undeniable but when torture and every other enormity was superadded to those wrongs, the voice of a nation, and the laws of God, set openly at defiance, I asked myself by what tye I was bound to submit? for I had not swore allegiance to the Prince of Darkness.

You ask me what were the crimes chiefly imputed to me? I will answer to the best of my knowledge, and with truth some writings of mine first gave offence. In 1796, I predicted, in a pamphlet, called, Advice to the Rich-the union with England, as it afterwards happened; and endeavored to shew, that the government were stimulating the nation to rebellion for that end. I was also, at the time I was ar

rested, engaged to write a history of the transactions of the day.

I have lately searched through all the reports, resolutions, and official documents of the times, and can find mention of my name but on two occasions. The one, when it was question of my acquaintance with Mr. Grattan; but at that time Mr. Grat tan was in disgrace with his present friends, and it was an honor to be acquainted with him, or he was acting well. The next crime was having received Seventy-five guineas for the defence of United-Irish

men.

Tais circumstance deserves a word or two:That very seventy five guineas which dearly earned, I received at Down-Patrick, in 1797. Mr. Curran was specially retained for the same defences. We were but two. The judges, for more dispatch,tried the prisoners in both the civil and criminal court; and, lest we should be insufficient for the duty we had undertaken, I gave one half of my fee to Mr. Dobbs, and the other to Sergeant Ball, to engage them to assist This may be a crime to warrant the incarceration of an Irishman in his own country; but I am now in a country, and member of a Bar, by whom I shall not be worse looked upon for having done an act of charity.

us.

Such are the answers which Irishmen can return to the virulent malice of their enemies. When any

of mine shall dare to accuse me of any other crime, I pledge myself to give as fuil an answer.

U u

And this

besides I dare affirm, that although now an exile, were the terror for one day suspended in my country, and the voices of my countrymen freely taken, nine-tenths would vote for my recall.

Of the Crimes of the Irish Rebels.

To say that the rebels never committed any crimes, would be deservedly to lose my credit for veracity. I can only say, I never saw them: but I saw and felt bitterly those committed by their enemies. And I believe there was no crime or cruelty which they could perpetrate, for which they had not ready precedents in the Irish statute books, the records of their history, and the memorable examples of their own times. They had no need to hold a parliament: it was but to substitute the word English for Irish, and Protestant for Catholic, and they had the sanction of kings, lords and commons, for every possible enormity. Would they burn the castle of the lord? He had taught them by burning the cottage of the peasant. Would they murder the innocent? Gracious Heaven! how many pointed authorities could they not find in the murder of those they adored?Would they torture? They found irons, scourges, pickets, and pitch caps, amongst the baggage of their enemies. Would they kidnap? It was but to empty the dungeons and prison-ships, let out their friends, and put their persecutors in. Would they exact of men to change their religion? It was but en