Lauderdale had, of a long time, entertain'd with Lady Margaret Kennedy, daughter to the Earl of Cassillis, an intimacy which had grown great enough to become suspicious, in a person who lov'd not, as some said, his own lady. This lady had never married, and was always reputed a wit, and the great patron of the Presbyterians, in which persuasion she was very bigot; and the suspicion increas'd much, upon her living in the Abbey, in which no woman else lodg'd; nor did the Commissioner blush to go openly to her chamber, in his night gown whereupon her friends, having challeng'd her for that unusual commerce, and having represented to her the open reprehensions and railleries of the people, received no other answer, than that her virtue was above suspicion; as really it was, she being a person whose religion exceeded as far her wit, as her parts exceeded others of her sex. -Mem. p. 165.

The Countess of Dysart, for whom Lauderdale professed an open gallantry,' became in 1671 his wife, and so much influenced his government, that her character forms a part of the history of Scotland at that time.

Whilst these projects are upon the wheel, the' (first) 'Countess of Lauderdale dies at Paris, and is buried as Vice-Queen of Scotland, in great state: and thereupon it was much doubted, whether Lauderdale would marry the Countess of Dysart, to satisfy his fancy, or would choose some young lady, by whom he might expect succession. But she had such an ascendant over his affections, that neither her age, nor his affairs, nor yet the clamour of his friends and the people, more urgent than both these, could divert him from marrying her, within six weeks after his lady's decease; which confirm'd much the former suspicions, that the world entertain'd of their deportment and Sir Robert Murray having entreated him to shun this, he thereby incurr'd both their displeasures, and Lauderdale did, in an instant, turn from being a friend, to be his mortal enemy: so much is friendship a weaker passion than amours are, and so foolish a thing it is, for friends to interpose betwixt a man and his mistress. And though it was alleg'd by her friends, that she was then but forty-five years of age, and so might have her children, yet this was no motive of his, nor was it founded upon any measure of probability; but in this he really yielded to his gratitude, she having formerly sav'd his life, by her mediation with the Usurper. Nor was her wit less charming, than the beauty of other women; nor had the extraordinary beauty she possest, whilst she was young, ceded to the age at which she was then arriv'd.'-Memoirs, pp. 217, 218.

She was,' says Burnet, a woman of great beauty, but of far greater parts. She had a wonderful quickness of apprehension, and an amazing vivacity in conversation. She was violent in every thing she set about; a violent friend, but a much more violent enemy. She made Lauderdale believe that she had saved his life by her intrigues with Cromwell, who was certainly fond of her; and she took

care to entertain him in it, till he, finding what was said upon it, broke it off. She came to have such power over Lauderdale, that all applications were made through her. She sold ali places. As the conceit took her, she made him fall out with all his friends one after another. Hamilton, Argyle, Tweedale, Athole, Kincardine, had their turns in her displeasure, which quickly drew Lord Lauderdale's after it. If, after such names, it is not presumption to name myself, I had my share likewise.'-Burnet, I. 245.

Mackenzie's Parliamentary opposition, though sufficient to provoke the resentment of Lauderdale, seems to have been very wary. He does not appear to have done more than was necessary to make his own talents conspicuous; and he was so far from throwing away the scabbard, that he did not oppose the most favourite and dangerous measures of the Court. He was aware that Lauderdale was the only favourite supported by the French interest;' and he says, that the chief reason of his greatness did, as some allege, proceed from the assistance he gave to establish an absolute monarchy in England, by French money and arms.' (Mem. 219.) Yet this project, of which he speaks so coolly, neither excited him to vigorous resistance against its authors, nor prevented him from accepting office under them, when their designs became more apparent. He faintly blames an act passed in 1670, obliging every man to answer all questions proposed to him by the Privy Council, under pain of banishment, or such other discretionary punishment as that body might inflict: and another which, after subjecting all meetings of Nonconformists in houses under the name of Conventicles to severe fines, subjects all those who convoke or hold the like meetings in the fields to the punishment of death!

Thus,' says he, these fanaticks wrong'd their country, not only in breaking the good old laws, but in occasioning the making of too severe new statutes: And yet it was said by some, that it had been better to have made the new laws less severe, that they might have been the more severely observ'd, and that thir laws were made so severe upon design, that they might not be observ'd; and that the fanaticks might clearly see that the grandees were not in earnest. 'Memoirs, 190.

In the year 1670, an unsuccessful attempt was made to nego ciate an Union with England. This treaty broke off, on the claim of the Scotch Commissioners, that every member of the Scotch Parliament should sit in the Parliament of the United Kingdom; a pretension which, if it had been acceded to, would have introduced into the House of Lords eleven Scotch Prelates, and sixty-one temporal Peers; the English Prelates being then, as now, twenty-six, and the English temporal Peers a

hundred and fifty four.* A hundred and twelve Scotch Commoners would have been added to the House of Commons, which consisted of five hundred and thirteen.

Mackenzie's Report of his own Speech is perhaps the only authentic account of the speech of a member of the Scotch Parliament before the Revolution. We here subjoin it. It is by no means an inelegant composition; but the writer does not even seek to imitate the natural style of spoken language.

Oct. 21st.-This letter being brought into the Parliament, Sir George Mackenzie desir'd that the Parliament might be allowed to think upon so serious an affair till tomorrow; which overture Sir George Gordoun seconded, and withall added, that before the Parliament could condescend to nominate Commissioners, they behov'd to debate whether the propositions were convenient or not; in which they would meet with considerable objections, as that of the succession to the Crown, in case his Majesty should die without succession; for the lines of succession in England and Scotland were different, and would there divide. Whereupon the Commissioner rose in a great passion, and told that he consented that the Parliament should deliberate upon the letter now read, till tomorrow; but that he understood not, how any member of Parliament could be so bold as to enquire into the succession, upon a supposition that his Majesty and all the present royal line should fail. But the gentlemen were excus'd by Duke Hamiltoun; in whom this excuse was thought imprudence, because the doubt was started in his favors; the family of Hamiltoun pretending to be next to the crown of Scotland, if the succession of King James should fail.

Next day, the Parliament's letter was again twice read, as the custom is; and Sir George Mackenzie, after twice reading of it, spoke thus.

"My Lord Chancellor,

"Though I design not absolutely to gratify these popular delusions, which have grown up against this intended Union, either from an excessive fondness which our countrymen have for this their native country, or from their ignorance of the equality designed in this Union, yet, my Lord, I wish this Parliament would so far indulge this pardonable zeal, as to consider maturely and slowly this so great an affair; that the people may be convinc'd, that we are as jealous of our liberties as they could wish us; and that England may know, that we are not so weary of our liberties, as not to think them worthy of our exactest pains. What is got cheaply, is little valued; and in these affairs, wherein we can do but once, we should deliberate long. There is likewise a decorum to be keeped by great judicatures, as Parliaments are, in such great affairs: Nor should form and gravity

*Chamberlayne's Present State of England, 1674. Seventy years before, the English Peerage amounted to sixty-five.

suffer our determinations to be even as swift as our reason, especially in treating with England, whose Parliaments do not pass any Law, till it be proposed and debated several days.

"We are now, my Lord, to consider the return to be made to his Majesty's gracious letter, wherein he assures us of the continuance of his care for our happiness; and wherein he proposes to us an Union with England, as the mean which can be most conducive thereto. In answer to which, our intended return bears our humble and thankful acknowledgement of his Majesty's favor, and our hearty concurrence to the Union proposed; from which no good subject I hope will dissent, seeing to be unsensible of his Majesty's favours, were to be unworthy of them; and not to consent to an Union, if we be sure to be gainers thereby, were to be enemies to our own advantage.

"But, my Lord, the answer bears beyond what the letter required; that we refer to his Majesty the nomination of treaters, the number, quorum, and of the time and place of their meeting: as to which, seeing I have thrown myself into the throng of speakers, I humbly propose these three things, to be considered rather as overtures than as objections.

"First, Whether it be suitable to our honor, to advance in this Union three steps, before England meet us in one: and that we have done so in this letter, appears from this, that to treat of an Union is one step; the second is to name Commissioners; the third is to appoint their quorum, time, and place of their meeting; all which are several steps, because they behoved, if they had been concluded in Parliament, to have had several votes and conclusions. Now, my Lord, it is most clear that when two parties are to be united, they should advance but equally; and certainly he yields who cometh farthest; and would it not be a great baffle to our reputation, if England should absolutely refuse a treaty, after we have gone so far to meet them. And though in this we but obey our Prince, and treat not immediately with them, yet seeing the treaty concerns them mainly, and not our Prince, I am confident he will not desire us to outrun them. Let us remember that Nature, in the distribution of her favours, hath bestowed ease and riches upon others; leaving us courage and honor, by which we made ourselves ofttimes masters of the other two; and when honour was in the field, our veins and purses were open upon all occasions; and therefore, though honour seem but a punctilio to others, let us be careful of it, as were our predecessors.

"The second point I propose is, Whether it be fitter for his Majesty's service, and the intended treaty, that the nomination of the Commissioners should be referr'd to his Majesty; or rather that they should be nominated in Parliament. And that they should be nominated by the Parliament, may appear reasonable; first, because this Union, being a design that dissatisfies the people, and so mysterious that the event may prove unsatisfying, (so great a dominion has fate over the best contrived of our actions), it were just that we should

rather take all the burden of their odium and the event upon ourselves, than transfer it upon his Majesty. And I remember that a famous Roman historian observes, that upon the close of Tiberius' reign, when the Senate began to have little kindness for their Emperour, they referr'd still to him the determination of every thing which they thought unfavourable. 2d. It is designed that this Union should be a national act; and the way to make it so is, that all its steps should be nationally concluded: and certainly the nomination of Commissioners is the chiefest part of the treaty, seeing much must be referr'd to their fidelity and conduct; and albeit a liberty be reserv'd to us to consider the procedure, yet at best few will be able to debate the determinations, which will have the advantage of being already agreed to by so many, and which we, who will not be upon the place, cannot well understand; being to be strangers to all the circumstances from which these conclusions are inferr'd. Let us remember, how little we contravert even what is determined by our own Lords of Articles: the English likewise will, in my opinion, be the more willing to treat with us, that they see us inclin'd to do it upon a national account, and not only in obedience to our Sovereign; which compliance they will judge to last no longer than the Prince's life to whom we granted it. 3d. The Parliament's nominating them, seems more suitable to his Majesty's command; for he hath call'd us together, that we may deliberate upon this grand affair, as his great council; and it is the duty as well as the nature of a council, to give their Prince advice, and not to refer to himself back again, what is by him desired of them. There needed no Parliament, if this were; nor should Parliaments be useful for Princes; being at such a distance as that they cannot exactly know who are fittest; for some private barons and burgesses must be chosen, because they understand coal, salt, or trade, which persons his Majesty can hardly know. So that the question is not, whether the King or Parliament, but whether the King or any one courtier or favourite, shall have the nomination. 4th. This may grow up into a dangerous preparative; for though we be now secure in a good and judicious Prince, and in able officers, yet these are not so immortal as I hope the fame shall be; and it were dangerous to allow the nomination to a succeeding Prince, of whose favour and prudence we may possibly not be assured; and yet, doubtless, he would crave that as his due; for allowances from Parliaments become soon a prerogative; and successors think their prerogative invaded, when what was allowed to their predecessors is deny'd to them. 5th. Our Commissioners will be the more careful to satisfy us, that they are nominate by us; and we the bolder to quarrel their procedures: whereas few will have the courage to quarrel the proceeding of such as are pickt out by his Majesty, and only for the fashion allow'd by us; it being natural for all trustees, to think themselves only accountable to their constituents. 6th. The last Commission, 1604, bears the Com. missioners to have been nominate by the Parliament; and so does the