less than the constitution of the kingdom; that it comprehended not only the commercial rights and privileges of the kingdom, but also the legislative powers and royalty. The most important objects were therefore embraced, and both nations were most materially concerned in the discussion and settlement of the matter. They were topics, upon which the house would see his majesty could not decide, without the assistance of his parliament; nor, indeed, could it be done without the concurrence and operation of both parliaments. To come to the business, therefore, with propriety, and in a manner which would give effect to their proceedings, they must have full and authentic information; and both parliaments must take time in their deliberations, and assist each other in the progress and conclusion of the business. The hasty step promised yesterday by a right honourable gentleman, would have been most unwise and impolitic. It was the duty of government to come to the matter for posterity, as well as for the present day, and in quieting the existing jealousies, to establish such a principle of relation and constitution as should prevent future discontents from arising. He believed it would be easy for the king's ministers to do as their predecessors had done, to patch up a temporary cessation of claims, and leave to those who were to come after them, all the dangers of an unsettled constitution, for the mean advantage of clearing themselves from difficulties which they had not the courage to meet with fairness; but they considered it as their duty to come with deter mined minds to the main question, and settle the true quality and nature of the relationship which subsisted between the two countries, to ascertain their distinct constitutions, and to establish such an union between them as should endure for ages. He hoped, from what passed yesterday, from the message of his majesty this day, and from the address to the throne in consequence thereof, declaring, that they were determined to enter seriously and without delay into the discussion of this business, it would be clearly understood, that his majesty's ministers, and, what was much more essential, the parliament, were disposed to settle this business. This being carried over to the people of Ireland by the new lord lieutenant, and communicated to that parliament, under the most sacred assurances from the throne, would, as it ought, have its effects upon our sister kingdom, and incline them to meet this country with the same disposition to an amicable settlement of the differences. When the lord lieutenant was settled in his administration, the government of this country would not be denied that information which was essential to the knowledge and discussion of the subject; and he assured the house, that whenever his majesty's ministers should be in possession of that information, they would lay it before parliament, to assist them in

their deliberations on the important point. This was the plan which they intended to pursue in the settlement of this business; and they hoped to have the assistance of all the ability, zeal, affection, and honesty of both kingdoms, in bringing it to a happy, a speedy, and a permanent conclusion. He then moved, that an humble address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of that house, for his most gracious message; and to assure his majesty, that the house, feeling with his majesty the deepest concern, that discontents and jealousies should have arisen among his majesty's loyal subjects in Ireland, would, without delay, take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to such a final adjustment as might give mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms.

The honourable Colonel Fitzpatrick begged leave to say a few words upon his leaving this country to take upon himself a most important office, for which, he said, he felt himself very unqualified, that of secretary to the lord lieutenant of Ireland. He declared, that he had been prevailed upon to accept of that office, in the firm persuasion and confidence, that his majesty's present ministers were sincere in their professions, and that they were earnestly disposed to make such concessions to Ireland as should quiet their jealousies, and give satisfaction to their minds. If he had not had this opinion of the king's ministers, no circumstance upon earth could have induced him to take a situation, which, at any time, he would not have coveted, and which only such opinion and confidence could make him endure. He thought and believed, that it was the wise policy of this country to make those concessions, as from the establishment of a firm and friendly relation, founded upon a clear and known constitution, the most happy consequences would be derived to both countries. He was just on the point, he said, of leaving England, and he thought it incumbent upon him to say thus much, that it might be known upon what ground he was going to Ireland; and it gave him great pleasure to have it in his power, to communicate to the House of Commons of that country, that this house expressed the most zealous desire of coming to an amicable settlement of all differences.

The Duke of Portland, on his arrival in Dublin, was received with demonstrations of the most enraptured joy. When the parliament met according to adjournment, on the 16th of April, the galleries and bar of the House of Commons were crowded, and expectation was raised to enthusiasm. As soon as the speaker had taken the chair, Mr. John Tiely Hutchinson, his majesty's principal secretary of state, arose, and announced to the house, that he was charged by the lord lieutenant to communicate to them a message from his majesty, of the same tenour as that

which had been communicated to both houses of the British par liament. He begged to say a few words, not as an officer of the crown, but as a gentleman of the country. As to the right of that kingdom to be bounden by no other laws, but those made by the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland, he had always asserted it from the seat of judicature as a judge, and in that house as a representative of the people. He should be glad that every man in Great Britain understood, that the claim was not new, it was as old as the invasion of the right; the principal Lords and Commons of Ireland, in the year 1641, complained of it as an innovation unknown to their ancestors. Soon after the restoration, the speaker of the House of Commons, in an address to the lord lieutenant, and in the presence of both houses, stated the right of Ireland to be governed only by laws made by her own parliament; and soon after the revolution, this question was placed out of the reach of controversy, by the work of a great scholar and philosopher.

He then mentioned Mr. Grattan in terms of the highest respect, and said, he must ever live in the hearts of his countrymen; but the present age and posterity would be indebted to him for the greatest of all obligations, and would, but he hoped at a great distance of time, inscribe on his tomb, that he had redeemed the liberties of his country. He said, that whatever mode should be proposed for the declaration of this right, in terms the most unequivocal and explicit, whether by vote, address, or bill, should receive his strongest support, provided it contained such sentiments of duty and loyalty to the king, and affection to our fellowsubjects of Great Britain, as every man in that nation felt. When this point was fully established, it would let in new light on other parts of the constitution. He had considered those statutes called Poynings' law, as containing strong arguments in support of the independence of the Irish legislature; but this independence being established, or at the eve of being so, he should agree to a bill for the modification of Poynings' law, so as to prevent the stopping or altering their bills in their privy council, or the alteration of them elsewhere; for he never could agree to give any other privy council a power, which was taken from their

own.

He thought it necessary, that the mutiny bill should be made triennial. He voted for it as such on its first introduction. The consequence was, his having been represented very unjustly, as inimical to the government, which he had so long served with zeal and constancy. He voted for the present act to prevent that disturbance of the public tranquillity, which the rejection of it would have immediately and unavoidably occasioned but had declared, at the same time, his opinion in favour of a limited bill.

He observed, that there were objects of such national concern, as could only be obtained by the spirit of the people; that spirit was now become universal, and it was the duty of the representatives of the people, to repeat the public voice, and to conform their conduct to the determined spirit of the nation. He recommended to proceed with unanimity and firmness, with that duty, loyalty, and attachment, which they owed to their sovereign, and with that regard to the inseparable connexion between the two kingdoms, which the constitution of Ireland and the mutual interest of both kingdoms required.

Mr. George Ponsonby moved, that a dutiful and loyal address should be presented to his majesty, thanking him for his most gracious message, and assuring him, that his faithful commons would immediately proceed upon the great objects he had recommended to their consideration.

Mr. Grattan said, he would state to the house his reasons for changing, in some measure, the form of the address proposed by the honourable gentleman, and hoped to induce the house, rather to declare that they had considered the causes of jealousy, and that they were contained in his original motion for a declaraţion of rights, which he would then move as an amendment to the address. He said he had nothing to add, but to admire by what steady virtue, the people had asserted their own rights. He was not very old, and yet he remembered Ireland a child. He had watched her growth; from infancy she grew to arms; from arms to liberty. She was not now afraid of the French; she was not now afraid of the English; she was not now afraid of herself, Her sons were no longer an arbitrary gentry; a ruined commonalty; Protestants oppressing Catholics; Catholics groaning under oppression: but she was now an united land.

This house agreeing with the voice of the nation, passed the popery bill, and by so doing got more than it gave, yet found advantages from generosity, and grew rich in the very act of charity. Ye gave not, but ye formed an alliance between the Protestant and the Catholic powers, for the security of Ireland. What signifies it, that three hundred men in the House of Commons: what signifies it that one hundred men in the House of Peers assert their country's liberty, if unsupported by the people? But there is not a man in Ireland; there is not a grand jury; there is not an association; there is not a corps of volunteers; there is not a meeting of their delegates, which does not maintain the independence of the Irish constitution, and pledge themselves to support the parliament in fixing that constitution on its rightful basis. Gentlemen will perceive, that I allude to the transaction at Dungannon: not long ago the meeting at Dungannon was considered as a very alarming measure, but I thought otherwise; I

approved of it, and considered the meeting of Dungannon as an original transaction. As such only it was matter of surprise. What more extraordinary transaction than the attainment of Magna Charta? It was not attained in parliament, but by the barons, armed, and in the field. A great original transaction is not founded in precedent, it contains in itself both reason and precedent; the revolution had no precedent.

In this country every man has his share in the government; and in order to act or speak, they must confer. Now, did not necessity compel them to act? Did not necessity compel them to speak? And will not their resolutions tend to restore the rights of their country? They resolve, “that a claim of any body "of men, other than the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland, to "make laws to bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional and a "grievance."

Is there any man who will deny it, for what were volunteer associations formed, but for the maintenance of the law? What is Poynings' law, and the unconstitutional power of the Irish or English privy council, but a grievance? What is a perpetual mutiny bill, but a grievance? Is there any man who will deny it, or say that we have not cause to complain of this execrated statute? And if you feel the injury, the people are ready to support you. They protest against an independent army; against a dependent legislature; against the abomination of a foreign legisla ture; against the assumed authority of council, they were more constitutional than more formal assemblies; they have protested only against what parliament ought to redress; and pray, sir, have not the constituents a right to inform their representatives? If England wishes well to Ireland, she has nothing to fear from her strength. The volunteers of Ireland would die in support of England. This nation is connected with England, not by allegiance only, but by liberty. The crown is one great point of union, but Magna Charta is a greater. We could get a king any where, but England is the only country from which we could get a constitution. We are not united with England, as Judge Blackstone has foolishly said, by conquest, but by charter. Ireland has British privileges, and is by them connected with Britain: both countries. are united in liberty. This being the decided sense of the nation, the men who endeavoured to make our connexion with England quadrate with this sense, are friends to England. We are friends to England on perfect political equality. This house of parliament knows no superior; the men of Ireland acknowledge no superiors; they have claimed laws under the constitution, and the independence of parliament under every law of God and man. He then spoke upon the appellant jurisdiction of the House of Lords; and he thought that in order to eradicate every