:

It happened that a Mr. Allan Brodrick, son to the late chancellor of Ireland (who held the seals from the 1st of October 1714, to the 1st of May, 1725), had been made one of the commissioners of the customs in England and although the Brodericks had never been charged with any affection to Popery or to the Pretender (the chancellor had been appointed to succeed Sir Constantine Phipps, as being of opposite principles), though well wishers to Ireland, yet even this remote mark of royal favour gave so much offence to the primate, that he complained in several letters on the same day both to the lord lieutenant and the Duke of Newcastle, " that any thing which looked as if that "family (the Brodericks) was in favour in England might give "them spirit and engage others to join with them in perplexing matters the approaching session of parliament." And, "we "are apprehensive it may give too much spirit to the Brodericks “here, and be made use of by them to engage others to obstruct "the king's business in parliament."

The family of Clanrickard had conformed to the established religion in the days of Queen Anne: and the head of that noble family, in dedicating his ancestors' memoirs and letters to King George the IId. in 1757, did not scruple to boast of the cause, for which his family had suffered. He had been educated at Eton and Oxford, and was called to the upper house by the title of Lord Dunkellin during his father's life, on the 3d of August 1711, and upon his father's death sat in the House of Peers, as the tenth Earl of Clanrickard in the parliament of 1725. He had made an application to the king to be restored to all that had been forfeited by his ancestors, who had at all times been conspicuous for their loyalty and attachment to their sovereign, and the measure had been graciously assented to by his majesty. But the reversion of so much landed influence into the hands of an Irish family, though Protestant, was considered by the English interest in Ireland to contravene their system, which never could be long supported by the native interest of that country. A most violent opposition was therefore raised against the measure in the commons, which for the present completely defeated all the influence of that noble family with the king, and diverted his majesty from his benevolent disposition in their regard. They artfully avoided wounding the feelings of the noble lord, by pointing at his particular case, and formed a re

"off. One part of the push he now made was to get all the lay lords here to "confederate against the bishops, who must always be depended upon for doing "the king's business. But as he has miscarried in his attempt, and has offend"ed all sides, so as to be in no danger of appearing again at the head of so "many lords as he did now, I hope his behaviour will be remembered when "he or his friends push for the archbishopric of Dublin for him." (Letter to Lord Townsend, p. 240.)

solution upon a broader principle, "that he reversal of outlawries "of persons attainted of treason for the rebellions of 1641 or "1688 is greatly prejudicial to the Protestant interest in this "kingdom, and dangerous to his majesty's person and the suc"cession established in his royal house." They accordingly voted an address to his majesty, setting forth the dangerous consequences of such misplaced indulgence, which had the effect of withholding for the present his majesty's benevolence and humanity.*

* We cannot entertain a very sublime idea of the purity of the loyalty of those persons, who tell their sovereign that nothing can so effectually make them ready to support and defend his right and title to the crown, as the enjoyment of the forfeited estates of the Papists. The address appears to import more of menace and intimidation, than the effusion of genuine loyalty and attachment to the establishment: and the answer of his majesty clearly bespeaks that his compliance with the prayer of the address was the effect rather of compulsion, than inclination. "We your majesty's most dutiful and "loyal subjects, the Commons of Ireland, in parliament assembled, think it an "indispensable duty, in this our first session held since your happy accession to "the throne, most humbly to represent to your majesty, that the reversal of "outlawries of persons attainted for the Rebellions in 1641 and 1688, may be highly prejudicial, and of dangerous consequence to your majesty's sacred person and government, and the succession established in your royal house. "We are truly seusible of the many blessings we enjoy under your most "auspicious reign, and are highly pleased with the agreeable prospect that we have, that the benefits of the Protestant succession will be continued to us and our posterity by your majesty and your royal issue; and we assure your majesty that we shall be always ready to support and defend your un"doubted right and title to the crown of these realms with our lives and for"tunes, which nothing can enable us so effectually to do, as the enjoyment of "those estates which have been forfeitures of the rebellious Irish Papists, and are now in the possession of your Protestant subjects of this kingdom. "We therefore beg leave to lay ourselves at your majesty's feet, and to im"plore your royal favour and protection against any attempts the Irish Papists or their descendants may make to reverse the outlawries of persons attainted "for those rebellions, having reason to apprehend, if they should succeed, "that they will not only endeavour to disturb your faithful subjects in the pos"session of those forfeited estates they have purchased, and now enjoy under "the sanction of several acts of parliament, but do all in their power to sub"vert our happy constitution in church and state.

"We are fully assured that your majesty hath nothing more at heart than "the welfare and prosperity of your people, and we rely entirely on your royal "wisdom and goodness, that you will be graciously pleased to discourage all "applications or attempts, that shall be made in favour of such traitors and "their descendants, so dangerous to your majesty and the Protestant interest "of this kingdom."

Mr. Secretary Clutterbuck informed the house that he was commanded by his excellency the lord lieutenant to acquaint the house that his majesty had been pleased to return a most gracious answer to the address of this house touching the reversal of outlawries of persons attainted of treason for the rebellions of 1641 and 1688, which he read in his place, and after delivered at the table, and the same was read again by Mr. Speaker, and is as followeth : GEORGE R.

"His majesty has received with great pleasure and satisfaction "the assurances, which the House of Commons gave him in their address, of "their zeal and fidelity to his person and government; and they may always

Although Lord Carteret continued lord lieutenant till the year 1731, yet was Ireland properly governed during that whole time by Primate Boulter, to whom the support and extension of the English interest in Ireland was solely committed. A trust he effectually accomplished, by paralyzing the small vital relics, that had been left more through shame than compassion to the great body of the Irish people. From that quarter indeed he was thwarted in none of his projects. In parliament, †the chief opposition to any of his bills, was to the privilege bill in the House of Lords, several of whom that were embarrassed in their circumstances might naturally be supposed to be against it but his grace attributed the greatness of the opposition, as was before observed, to the management of the Bishop of Elphin. Out of parliament, the soreness at the national calamity became most alarming from the Protestants; notwithstanding the Roman Catholics had been additionally aggrieved by new penal laws, which gave the death blow to their civil existence. Within six months from the delivery of that speech from the throne, in which Lord Carteret had attempted to delude the people into imaginary bliss under the most pitiable sufferings of universal calamity, distress, and oppression, Primate Boulter in the private, and therefore the more sincere communications with the Duke of Newcastle on the 23d of November 1728, has left us a just portrait of one part of that unfortunate kingdom; from which the greater wretchedness of the whole must necessarily be deduced. "I am very sorry I am obliged to give your "grace so melancholy an account of the state of this kingdom, "as I shall by this letter, but I thought it my duty to let his majesty know our present condition in the North. For we

"depend upon his majesty's favour and protection, and on his care and con"cern for the support of the Protestant interest of that his kingdom; and that "accordingly his majesty will effectually discourage all applications and at"tempts that shall be made for the reversal of outlawries of persons attainted "for the rebellion in 1641 and 1688, in any case that may affect the interest or property of any of his Protestant subjects there."

"

So then his grace expresses himself to Lord Townsend on the 9th of May, 1728, (p. 259) On Monday our session ended, which has gone through with "more quiet and unanimity than usual; and in which more useful bills have "passed, than for many sessions together before. And I hope both gentry "and clergy will use those powers now given them gradually to plant religion "and civility in this country." The Editor of his grace's letters assures us he was the framer of most, if not all of these bills.

+ Ibidem.

In this speech (3 Fourn. Com. p. 570.) he represents the people as truly sensible of the happiness they enjoy under his majesty's most gracious government, and that nothing could be more acceptable to him, than to find by the addresses of both houses, that bis endeavours for the public service had been to their satisfaction.

Why the archbishop here confines his duty to the North, one cannot fairly conjecture. When it was well known, that it was the most industrious, manufacturing, and opulent part of the kingdom, which circumstances alone placed

"have had three bad harvests together there, which has made ❝oatmeal, which is their great subsistence, much dearer than "ordinary." His grace then complains of American agents seducing the people, with prospects of happier establishments, across the Atlantic; and adds, " they have been better able to "seduce people by reason of the necessities of the poor of late. "The people that go from hence make great complaints of the "oppressions' they suffer here, not from the government, but "from their fellow subjects of one kind or another, as well as "of the dearness of provisions, and say these oppressions are 66 one reason of their going." The primate then assures the duke, that 3100 had in the preceding summer been shipped off from thence for the West-Indies, and he draws a lamentable picture of the new miseries they voluntarily undertake to encounter rather than continue under the oppression they suffered at home. One would naturally suppose, that the chief of these unfortunate emigrants had been from that body of the people, who not only felt the common hand of oppression upon them, but who were groaning under an unprecedented code of severity, from which the Protestants were wholly exempted. Yet continues his grace," the whole north is in a ferment at present (i. e. the "23d of November 1728), and people every day engaging one "another to go the next year to the West-Indies. The hu"mour has spread like a contagious distemper, and the people "will hardly hear any body, that tries to cure them of their "madness. The worst is, that it affects only Protestants, and "reigns chiefly in the North, which is the seat of our linen "manufacture. This unsettled state puts almost a stop to trade, "and the more so, as several, who were in good credit before "have taken up parcels of goods on trust and disposed of them, "and are gone off with the money, so that there is no trade here "but for ready money."

It is lamentable to observe the Primate labouring to trace these discontents even in the Protestant Irish from any other than the real cause. "We have had under our consideration "how to put some stop to this growing evil: we think by some

it in their power to resist or avoid distress and oppression by means, which the other more wretched and impoverished parts of the kingdom were unable to command. For the sake of humanity I am loath to draw the conclusion, which an unbiassed spectator of this state of Ireland cannot shut out from his mind that it was the ill-fated system of government at that time, to keep up the English interest in the country by the extreme wretchedness and debasement of the natives. Though I reluctantly view these inhuman principles heretofore acted upon in Ireland, I sympathize with that part of the British empire, in the joyful conviction, that its incorporate union with Great Britain has eternally closed that infelicity of Ireland, and ensured her against the ruefil consequences of supporting any factitious ascendency over the people of Ireland.

"old laws we can hinder money being carried abroad, and stop "all but merchants that have not a licence from going out of "the kingdom. By this post we have sent my lord lieutenant "the representation of the gentlemen of the North, and the opi"nion of our lawyers what can be done by law to hinder people "going abroad: but these are matters we shall do nothing in "without directions from his majesty. But whatever can be done "by law, I fear it may be dangerous forcibly to hinder a number of needy people from quitting us." As the Primate's accounts of the temper and disposition of the people did not support that general sense of their happiness, which was so fulsomely blazoned forth in the speech from the throne, it behoves us to remark, that in the spring of the year 1729 his grace informed the duke of Newcastlet, that they were in a very bad way there: that the distresses of the North continued: that subscriptions had been set on foot in Dublin to purchase corn from Munster, where it was more plentiful and cheaper, and sell it at reduced prices in the North: that there had been tumults at Limerick, Cork, Waterford, Clonmel and other places to prevent the corn from going to the North: that those at Limerick and Cork had been the worst, where they had broken open warehouses and cellars, and set what price they pleased on provisions: but that he had given the necessary orders to suppress these riots. He admits, that the buying up of the corn in Munster had greatly raised the markets there: but that they were still a third cheaper than in the North. His grace then makes an observation, which always has and ever will be made in all cases of riot of this nature. "There is one reflection these poor wretches have not made, "that by their riots the country are deterred from bringing "them in provisions, which will make things dearer in those "places, than the exportation they are so angry at." Government generally may secure the mob from soreness and irritation; it never can give them reflection under those impressions. Boulter had given orders to the several magistrates and the judges of assize to have the rioters prosecuted and severely punished in the South. In the North, the humour of going to America still continued, and the scarcity of provisions certainly made many quit them: there were then seven ships lying at Belfast, that were carrying off about 1000 passengers thither:

It has unfortunately, for Ireland in particular, been the baneful practice of some servants of the crown to forward systems of unsound or corrupt policy to such a height, that they have been unable to check the evil consequences of their own conduct. The responsibility is then shifted from their own shoulders as in this case, upon his majesty, who has probably been adverse or not privy to the real cause of the existing evil. The king's personal interference in any degree whatever can not by our constitution cover or counteract the responsibility of his ministers.

† 1 Vol. p. 287.