of "lishment of that kingdom had greatly increased of late years, "insomuch as to have amounted to the sum of 158,685. 4s. 81d. "in the two years ending at Lady Day, 1765. That many "those pensions had been granted for long terms of years, and "for lives, and had been made payable out of the revenue at "large. That they had long been the causes of silent disquie"tude; and were of late become the subjects of universal mur"mur and complaint. That they should think it a breach of "the trust reposed in them, longer to conceal from his majesty "the grievances of his faithful subjects, and by such omission to "postpone for a day that redress, which with the utmost confi"dence they expected from the dictates of paternal affection, " and the suggestions of royal justice." This motion was negatived by a majority of 119 against 41. It is, even at this distance of time, lamentable to behold the vigorous exertions of the British cabinet to secure an English ascendency in the Irish parliament, and at the same time an imperious reluctance to use that very ascendency for the welfare of the Irish nation. Indigence and distress pervaded the whole kingdom: the encreasing tumults, insurrections, and outrages of the Steel Boys and other insurgents in the North, created serious alarm in the minds of all those, who really looked to and felt for the well-being of their country. Accordingly on the 23d of May a motion was made, and the question was put, *That an hum"ble address be presented to his majesty, expressing, in the "strongest terms, the full confidence of his ever loyal subjects of “Ireland, in his majesty's justice and parental affection for "that kingdom. And representing to his majesty, that his "faithful commons of Ireland apprehending that it was a part of "their bounden duty to lay before his majesty, for his consi"deration, such grievances of his people, as they judged might "be most deserving of his notice, and as they feared he might 66 not otherwise be fully informed of, from a sense of their duty, "presumed to acquaint his majesty, that in many instances the "laws of their land were less resorted to, revered, and observed "by the lower class of people, at that time, than had been usual "theretofore in that kingdom, or than was becoming a people, "who enjoyed the blessing of a free government, of which the "commotions in several parts of that kingdom, were but too plain and striking examples. That one principal source of "these evils consisted in the appointing persons of mean abili"ties and totally unacquainted with the state and municipal "constitution of Ireland, to the ministration of justice in the supreme courts of law in that kingdom; by the means of which, all law suits were protracted to an excessive length, * 8 Journ. Com. p. 141. "and the expences of them were rendered intolerable, the se"curity of persons, of life, and of property, were daily dimi"nished and made more precarious; the laws, instead of being "considered as the protection, were become the oppression of "the people, and in the place of being obeyed and loved, ap"peared too often contemptible or disgusting from the incapa"city, which sometimes was found in those, who were entrust"ed with the execution of them. That his majesty's faithful "commons, in that humble representation, were by no means "desirous of making any distinction between the subjects of "different parts of his dominions; with gratitude they acknow"ledged, that in former times judges of the most illustrious "abilities had been sent from Great Britain into that kingdom, "to the furtherance of justice, and the manifest advantage of "Ireland; particularly in the instance of that great man, who "had so long and ably presided in his majesty's High Court of "Chancery, to the universal satisfaction of all ranks of people; "neither could they, with justice, omit expressing their appro"bation of such of their present judges as were natives of that "kingdom, whose conduct and abilities were, in their opinion, "irreproachable. That his majesty's faithful commons did not presume to point out to his majesty any remedy for those evils, "relying, with the firmest confidence, on his majesty's wisdom, "and experienced affection for his whole people." This address spoke too much truth, not to be opposed: on a division it was negatived by a majority of 71 against 35. The decrease of the numbers of the patriots on this division roused those, who had not yet been bought off, to bring forward instantly some motion, which should at least convince the nation of the corrupt means, by which their rights and interests were sacrificed by a venal majority to the English interest. On the very next day* a motion was made, that an humble address be presented to his excellency the lord lieutenant, representing to his excellency, that the Commons of Ireland, with hearts full of the sense of their miserable condition, yet supported with the hopes they had of his administration, had cheerfully contributed to all such supplies as had been demanded from them, and that they did not despair of his goodness being extended towards them in such a prudent and gracious manner, as might afford them relief, according to their present exigences of their condition; and therefore humbly requested his excellency would be graciously pleased to lay, or order to be laid, before that House all the proceedings of the privy council in March last, relative to the suppression of heads of a bill, entitled, A bill for the better securing the Freedom of Parliament, by * 24 May, 1767. 3 Journ. Com. p. 143. ascertaining the Qualification of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliament; and humbly requested, that his excellency would order all the patents granted in reversion or in possession during that administration to be laid before the House; and that his excellency would use his influence, that no more reversionary grants should be disposed of in that kingdom, inasmuch, as they debilitated the crown in present, and might be attended by the imposition of new burdens upon the public. On which the court party moved, and of course carried their motion, that in lieu of the words, the sense of their miserable condition, they should insert the words, their happy condition under his majesty's auspicious government. The heads of the bill alluded to in this motion were for septennial parliaments, an object, to which the whole Irish people then most earnestly bent their thoughts. In a limitation of parliaments, they saw the only remaining check against the open and gigantic system of venality, under which all parliamentary process was then carried on. Throughout every part of the kingdom resolutions and addresses were carried in their county meetings in favour of that measure. The citizens of Dublin publicly and pointedly declared their sentiments in their spirited instructions to their representatives to support the measure.* All these efforts of the patriots in parliament, and of the people without, were ineffectual. The heads of the bill were introduced, agreed to, and transmitted, but arrested in their progress by the English privy council. Here again the vice of the old system of governing Ireland was manifested in the answer given by the lord lieutenant to the address of the Commons.f "I have," said his excellency, "received information of the most authentic nature, that the "bill for limiting the duration of parliaments will not be re"turned during this session. I shall however fully lay before The Merchants, Traders, Freeholders, and Citizens of Dublin, presented the following Address to their Representatives. "GENTLEMEN, "HAVING authentic intelligence, that the bill, upon which the Protestant interest and freedom of this kingdom depend, is dropped in Great Britain: and finding, that every attempt made by the Commons of Ireland, strengthened by the united and general voice of all ranks and denominations of Protestants, to obtain a law for limiting the duration of parliaments, has hitherto proved ineffectual, we cannot but think, the Commons of this kingdom will stand justified in following the example given by the Commons of England on a similar occasion, at the late glorious Revolution, that grand æra of British liberty. We, therefore, as citizens and freeholders of this metropolis, thinking ourselves bound to stand foremost in all national measures, have taken the earliest opportunity to declare our sentiments upon this most interesting event, and to intreat, that you will never give your assent to any money bill of longer duration than three months till a law passes in this kingdom for a septennial limitation of parliament." (Signed by William Rutledge, Richard French, Esqrs. High Sheriffs, and upwards of 800 merchants and traders.) 8 Journ. Com, p. 132. "his majesty the sentiments of the House of Commons, con"tained in this address, and shall renew the representations, "which I have already made in the strongest and warmest man ner, in favour of such a law." It was an insult to the understanding and respectability of the people of Ireland, that the lord lieutenant should pretend to act in opposition to the British cabinet, and recommend a measure, which they avowedly opposed. The patriots moved for a very strong and pointed address to be presented to his majesty, which spoke a language of too much firmness and independence to be relished by the court party, and it was negatived upon a division of 117 against 29.† A more moderate address was however moved for by the By natural effect, the Union must put an end to the unwarrantable, but too frequent and successful practices of shifting responsibility and playing off the different wills, powers, and commands of the sovereign and his vicegerent, the British cabinet and the Irish administration, the Irish legislature and the Irish people, against each other, as the political juggle of the moment required. The principles of union must now direct the powers of government to a com mon focus. +8 Journ Com. p. 132. A motion was made, and the question being put, that an humble address be presented to his majesty, testifying, in the strongest terms, our inviolable attachment to his person, family and government, and lamenting, that we are obliged to mingle with the effusions of our zeal and loyalty our solicitude for the return and our concern at the delay of the bill for limiting the duration of parliaments in this kingdom: a delay which we conceive to arise from some misrepresentation, inasmuch as we have the firmest reliance and the fullest confidence in his majesty's royal beneficence and justice; virtues which in their own operation must incline his majesty to listen graciously to the universal voice; and to the most fervent prayers of his loyal people; more especially, when they desire nothing new or doubtful; when they desire only that they may not be deprived of a reasonable frequency of election with respect to their own representation, of which no other part of his majesty's subjects, not in the meanest of his colonies, is deprived, when they desire not a parliament once every year or oftener, to which they are entitled by a constitution of six hundred years establishment, and by the express statute of Edward the Third never repealed, and of above four hundred years antiquity; but that no one parliament should continue above seven years, which is the longest period, to which it was found possible to extend the duration of parliament in a neighbouring kingdom; an extension grounded upon circumstances there, which never existed in this country; when therefore their application in this particular is, strictly speaking, not to limit but prolong parliaments; not to abridge but to increase prerogative, by giving the crown a power to continue the same parliament seven years, which it has not now by the laws and constitution; when they desire only, that an unconstitutional and illegal custom may not be perpetuated upon them, or continuing the same parliament for the life of the reigning king, which there have been but two instances of from the beginning of time in this kingdom, and which was tolerated in these two instances only from the most unlimited and overflowing loyalty and attachment to his majesty's royal house, which induced our ancestors to suffer their most sacred rights to be in this particular suspended, rather than expose the recent establishment of his majesty's auspicious family to the most imaginary hazard; when they hope, that this their conduct, which might well be rewarded with an increase, will not be punished by a deprivation of privileges; and that their just, humble, temperate, and legislative desires, their most reiterated and ardent supplications will not be neglected, whilst the less regular applications and even resistance of some of their fellow subjects in a case far different have been attended with satisfaction and redress. patriots on the next day, testifying their ardent and inviolable attachment to his sacred person and government, and imploring his majesty, that he would suffer the universal prayers of his loyal people of Ireland to assist the representations and endeavours of his chief governor of that kingdom towards inducing the best of princes to return his most faithful subjects the bill transmitted to Great Britain for limiting the duration of parliaments; which the patriots carried by a majority of two voices, there being 90 for and 88 against the address. His majesty's answer to the address did not appear very gracious to the addressers. "His majesty has received the address of the House "of Commons on the subject of a bill some time transmitted "for limiting the duration of parliaments. The sentiments of "his faithful commons were already known to his majesty by "their passing the heads of that bill: nor can any solicitation "add weight to that ancient and constitutional way of signifying "their desires on the like occasions. His majesty will always "have the highest satisfaction in complying with the wishes of "his faithful commons: but no consideration can prevail with "his majesty to swerve from that indispensable duty, which "the constitution prescribes to him of concurring in such pro"visions only, as on mature deliberation and advice of his "council appear to him at the time calculated to promote the "true interest and happiness of his people." From the spirit, which dictated this answer, and the further conduct of the British cabinet at this time, it appears, as if they had selected this particular juncture for a trial of strength between the English and the Irish interest. A bill for better securing the liberties of the subject was this session passed in the commons, and transmitted, but was not returned. Another bill of a patriotic tendency was introduced this session, to prevent the buying and selling of offices, which concern the administration of justice, or the collection of his majesty's revenue: but it miscarried in the commons. Thus failed every effort of the patriots to remedy the system of venality, which now openly prevailed, and to bring back the constitution to its primitive principles of freedom and independence.* As this was the time and this the system, to which Mr. Burke alluded in his incomparable political chef d'œuvre, on the Cause of the present Disconteats, I will favour the reader with some of his thoughts peculiarly applicable to this juncture. P. 56. " The court party resolve the whole into faction. Having said something before upon this subject, I shall only observe here, that when they give this account of the prevalence of faction, they present no very favourable aspect of the confidence of the people in their own government. They may be assured, that however they amuse themselves with a variety of prospects for substituting something else in the place of that great and only foundation of government, the confidence of the people, every attempt will but make their condition worse. When men imagine, that their VOL. II. |